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fore do not colour the general class of facts I am now about to represent to you. The influence of the Ecclesiastical system told especially in two ways; one through the power the Pope assumed of interfering between sovereigns and their people, especially in relieving the subjects from their oaths of fealty to their sovereigns in the case of the sovereign disobeying the Pope; and the other through the influence of the Ecclesiastical Councils.

The fact of the Pope being accredited with the power of releasing subjects from their oaths of fealty gave rise to the notion that he had a certain right Papal assump- of supervision over the morality of all States, and especially over the moral relations of European

Effect of the

tions.

States. Proofs are not wanting that this belief was of rapid growth, and we find in Ward's "Enquiries Ward's testi- into the Foundation and History of the Law of Nations in Europe" the following statement :

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"By the Constitution of this dominion, whoever was the 66 possessor of the Papal chair, was in some measure the "director of the affairs of Europe. He was the supposed "Mediator between Heaven and the world; he decided upon "right and wrong; he was the great casuist in all difficul"ties; and among sovereign princes, who obeyed no other "tribunal, he might fairly be called the Custos Morum. "Could it have proceeded without abuse, or was it the lot "of mortality to admit of such perfection of wisdom and "virtue in one man; the Institution would have been "admirable! A common tribunal was thus supplied where "it most was wanted; Appeals lay to it from all corners of 66 Europe; the weak could be upheld; the strong could be "repressed; the most divine of all Institutions, Justice, "had free room to display itself; and the Father of "Christendom might really have been what his name 'implied." (Vol. II., page 37.)

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You must remember the extremely warlike disposition of all these tribes at this time; that the people had only just settled down after the conquest of Europe and the dissolution of the Roman Empire. Otherwise this is merely common-place. We in our day can talk much about peace, but in these days the national instinct was warlike. Mr. Ward goes on to say lower down:

"Of Mediation (not merely as a friend whose own "interest is probably concerned, but in the capacity of a "father, equally interested for all his children, and anxious "to make them fulfil the duties most acceptable to God,) we "have an eminent and not ineloquent example in a letter of "Pope Alexander, recommending peace between the kings "of France and England in 1162. 'Among other good "things,' says the letter, which render men amiable to "their neighbours and pleasing to God, we believe that to "❝be most acceptable, which infuses charity into the heart, "and operates as a bond of union to different minds. This

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good is Peace, by which hatred is dispelled, rancour "allayed; envy driven away, and anger shaken off; which "pacifies the mind, conciliates the heart, assuages the "breast, and assimilates tempers. This is what we seek "to plant, to propagate, and to nourish, among the sons of "the Church; this is what we wish to bring to fruit, 'among Kings, Princes, and Great Men.'" (Vol. II., page 44.)

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Again, Mr. Ward says

neutral

powers.

"It is not improbable that the custom of Appeal to Appeal to "neutral powers, on the breaking out of war, arose from "this influence of the Pope in the Christian republic. "Habituated to lay their grievances before him on all "occasions, and to justify their conduct when it appeared "to be necessary; the transition was easy from him to "other princes; and the connection between the various

Influence of
Councils.

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"potentates growing closer and closer, they continued from a sense of its utility a custom which possibly would not "have been thought of, (or at least not so soon) had it not "been for the deference they paid to him at a time when "knowledge of one another was not so universal." (Vol. II., page 50.)

The transition of the custom of Appeal from the Pope to other princes was doubtless facilitated by the Ecumenical Councils,

"the strongest examples," says Mr. Ward, "of that "regularity which was seen in Europe in consequence "of its religious union. Voltaire has, not improperly, "called these Councils the Senate of Europe; and in fact "they were composed of a Set of Sovereigns, all intimately "connected together; instructed in one another's customs; obeying one common law; and in some measure governed "by one common interest. They were not merely formed "of Ecclesiastics, nor did they meet solely for the discussion "of points of faith. The Emperors of the East and West, "and other crowned heads, have sometimes appeared at "them in person, and almost constantly by their Ambassa"dors; and their rank and seats were marked out, with as “much regularity as a subject of so much nicety could "permit. Points concerning the whole public weal of "Europe were discussed in them; such as the interest, and "the precedency of nations; the conduct of princes; all "articles of faith; the interests of religion; and the defence "of the faithful against the Infidels." (Vol. II., page 55.)

You see that, although ecclesiastical matters were prominent and were absorbing other matters, yet the general relations of States, the election of monarchs, and any special crimes of distinguished monarchs, were also considered or condemned or put in order, as the case might be. I need not say any more on the influence that any great organised system like

that, proceeding on principles of morality and religion, must have had on the still barbarian States

of Europe.

I now come to another class of influence about Influence of chivalry. which I have not very much to say. That is the influence of chivalry. I shall not give a long account of what chivalry is. You will find a very good picture of it in Lord Lytton's novel of “Rienzi” with which most of you are probably familiar. I propose, however, to give some account of its effect in moderating the usages of war; particularly in the treatment of prisoners and of women. I quote from Mr. Hallam's " Middle Ages

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"Next, therefore, or even equal to devotion, stood gallantry among the principles of knighthood. But all comparison "between the two was saved by blending them together. "The love of God and the ladies was enjoined as a single "duty. He who was faithful and true to his mistress was "held sure of salvation in the theology of castles though "not of cloisters. Froissart announces that he had "undertaken a collection of amorous poetry with the "help of God and of love; and Boccace returns thanks "to each for their assistance in the Decameron. The "laws sometimes united in this general homage to the "fair. We will,' says James II. of Aragon, 'that every 66 6 man, whether knight or no, who shall be in company "with a lady, pass safe and unmolested, unless he be guilty of murder.' Louis II., duke of Bourbon, instituting "the order of the Golden Shield, enjoins his knights to "honour above all the ladies, and not to permit any one "to slander them, 'because from them after God comes all "the honour that man can acquire.'" (Vol. III., page 397.)

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The corresponding duties and obligations answer

Hallam's

testimony.

ing to the privileges of knighthood were stringent. Mr. Hallam further says:

"A knight was unfit to remain a member of the order, if he "violated his faith; he was ill-acquainted with its duties if "he proved wanting in courtesy. This word expressed the "most highly refined good breeding, founded less upon a "knowledge of ceremonious politeness, though this was "not to be omitted, than on the spontaneous modesty, "self-denial, and respect for others, which ought to spring "from his heart. Besides the grace which this beautiful "virtue threw over the habits of social life, it softened "down the natural roughness of war, and gradually "introduced that indulgent treatment of prisoners which "was almost unknown to antiquity. Instances of this "kind are continual in the later period of the Middle "Ages. An Italian writer blames the Italian soldier who "wounded Eccelin, the famous tyrant of Padua, after he "was taken. 'He deserved,' says he, 'no praise, but "rather the greatest infamy, for his baseness; since it "is as vile an act to wound a prisoner, whether noble or otherwise, as to strike a dead body.' Considering "the crimes of Eccelin, this sentiment is a remarkable proof of generosity. The behaviour of Edward III. to "Eustace de Ribaumont, after the capture of Calais, and "that, still more exquisitely beautiful, of the Black Prince "to his royal prisoner at Poitiers, are such eminent "instances of chivalrous virtue, that I omit to repeat "them only because they are so well known. Those great "" princes too might be imagined to have soared far above "the ordinary track of mankind. But in truth, the knights "who surrounded them, and imitated their excellencies,

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were only inferior in opportunities of displaying the "same virtue. After the battle of Poitiers, the English "and Gascon knights,' says Froissart, having enter"tained their prisoners, went home each of them with "the knights or squires he had taken, whom he then “questioned, upon their honour, what ransom they could 66 6 pay without inconvenience, and easily gave them credit;

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