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circumstances more appalling than ever before. For the first time his own popularity sunk completely under the shock. He retired disgraced in the popular estimation, and his name became a by-word of odium for many years. But he had fully redeemed the pledge into which he had entered with himself at the commencement of his career, to act a fearless, intrepid, undaunted part,' though not forgetting likewise to act a prudent, cautious, and considerate part.' And never was a union of these qualities more exemplified than during this administration, in the course of which his inflexible courage had saved the neutral policy, and had removed the obstacles which threatened the prosperity of the nation at the moment that he took the helm."*

Gibbs, on the other hand, writing with a strong Federalist bias, is rather severe on what he terms the "insane jealousy and suspiciousness, the morbid irritability, the egregious vanity and egotism, the obstinacy and vacillation," of John Adams, who he says, "had the doubtful satisfaction of gratifying his revenge upon Hamilton at the cost of his own ruin and that of those who supported him."†

In speaking of the work of the Federalists in general during their management of governmental affairs, Gibbs writes as follows:

"With the exception of the errors of Mr. Adams, an exception springing from an abandonment of federal policy, the first twelve years of our con

*John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp. 597-598.

†See, however, Schouler's opinion, United States, vol. i., p. 505 et seq.

stitutional government deserves, and from an impartial posterity will receive, the admiration and respect of our country. In those days there were giants in the land. Dignified and elevated as was the character of Washington, pre-eminent as he stood amongst the great and illustrious personages of history, there were around him and with him, upon the stage of public action, others, who at any time would have been, who even then were, conspicuous as monuments amidst their race; men who are found only in revolutions; who, in times of fat and prosperous security, remain inert and obscure; who appear only with the storms of state; whose ardor and patriotism are roused in proportion to the danger; whose self-reliance increases with peril, and whose resources are fertile in the same degree that they are taxed. Such were the great representatives of the federal party; the men whose names are household words, examples for the imitation of those that come after. Blot those names from our records, and what indeed would remain!

"The tone of their government was in accordance with the character of its administrators: they had considered official station, not as a reward of partisanship, but as a trust confided by the nation to those who had marked themselves worthy of the trust; they had inculcated maxims of reverence for the laws as the true loyalty of republicans; their foreign policy was distinguished by a pure and undeviating love of country, their domestic, alike by ability, integrity, and foresight. Firm, prudent, and honest, they indulged in no levity of resentment to other nations, nor wavered at the apprehension of danger from them. With the single object of the public good, they never hesitated to incur individual odium or misrepresentation. Their power was, however, taken from them. The confidence of the people, shaken less by open assaults than by secret undermining, was withdrawn, and the government passed into the hands of its early and steadfast opponents. Then came a new race into the management of affairs." *