the bar in 1817. He shortly after married, and settled down in his profession. In 1826 he was elected to the legislature of Ohio, and in 1836 he was first elected to congress, from Ashtabula district, and he has been continued there by his constituents ever since.

When he entered congress, the nation was engaged in prosecuting the Florida war, the principal object of which was to recover fugitive slaves. Seeing this, Mr. Giddings at once commenced a series of speeches, to show the manner in which the north was dragged into the support of a system odious to her alike by nature and education. Two years after he entered congress, the infamous gag-law was passed, whereby all discussion of slavery on the floor of the house was prohibited. Mr. Giddings, with a few other manly northern men present, were determined to test the power of the gag, and, as an experiment, discussed questions which indirectly involved the institution of slavery. The Florida war was before the house, and Mr. Giddings led off in an able speech upon it. He took the ground that slavery caused the warthat it was a shameful and slave-catching war. The slave-holding members called him to order for breaking the rules of the house, but the speaker decided that it was in order to discuss the causes of the war. This decision paved the way for the repeal of the odious restriction upon the right of speech.

In 1841, the celebrated "Creole "

case was before

the country. The slave ship "Creole," from Richmond, was, while at sea, taken possession of by the slaves on board, who guided it to British soil, where, by the laws of Great Britain, they were free. Our government, through the secretary of state, Daniel Webster, demanded pay for the slaves. Mr. Giddings felt outraged that the general government should in so offensive a manner involve the whole country in a sectional institution. He therefore drew up a set of resolutions denying the power of the president to make such demands in behalf of the people of this country, claiming that a majority of the citizens of the Union did not recognize the right of property in man. These resolutions were introduced into congress by him. A bomb-shell thrown among them could not have created a greater excitement or confusion. A scene ensued which beggars description. The "chivalry" of the south were ready to devour him with their poisonous fangs. He was publicly censured by congress, and he immediately resigned his seat and went home. His constituents told him to return, and to reässert the views embodied in his resolutions. They knew they were correct-that the federal government had no right to take under its protection the institution of slavery. He went back to his seat, and courageously reässerted his convictions upon the subject. The defenders of the "pecu

liar institution" thought it was not wise to attempt to censure him again, and now there is scarcely a man in the whole north but will agree that they were not only correct, but that it was proper to present them to congress at that time. On the question of the right of petition Mr. Giddings fought bravely and nobly, and lived to see the right not only asserted but maintained. Throughout his whole career he has been most bitterly assailed by southern members. We give a specimen from his speech on the annexation of Texas:

"Mr. Payne, of Alabama, interrupting Mr. Giddings, requested permission to propound a question.

"Mr. Giddings. An hour is a short time to make a speech; but, if the gentleman will occupy but a moment, he may propound his question.

"Mr. Payne desired the reporters to note what he said; and stated that about two years since, a man by the name of Torrey, a negro-stealer, brought a wagon and team to this district. While stealing some negroes they were arrested, and Torrey made his escape. Subsequently it was said, that a member on this floor claimed the wagon and team; and he now asked the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Giddings) what interest he had in the property?

"Mr. Giddings. I am not at liberty to receive anything uttered on this floor as an insult. Indeed, nothing coming from a certain quarter can insult me.

"Mr. Payne. I call upon the gentleman from Ohio to an

swer my question; and if he does not, a committee ought to be appointed to inquire into the fact. (Cries of order, order.)

"Mr. Giddings. I have witnessed too many of these sudden outbursts of passion to be very seriously alarmed at them.

"Mr. Payne. A man that will deceive his own party, cannot be ashamed at anything. (Cries of order, order, all over the hall.)

"Mr. Giddings. These little innocent outpourings of the heart are perfectly harmless even from an overseer, when deprived of his whip. You may in such case look him in the face with safety. To you, Mr. Chairman, and to the members generally, whom I respect, I will say, this is the first intimation that I have ever had, that any member was suspected of being connected with the transaction alluded to."

This is a faint specimen of the thousand insults which have been heaped upon Mr. Giddings during his congressional career, until at last he has become so hardened against them, they excite little feeling in him, and he can laugh a blackguard coolly in the face.

One of the most eloquent speeches ever delivered by Mr. Giddings in congress was upon the Dayton and Sayers case. Some seventy or eighty slaves attempted to escape from the District of Columbia, in the schooner Pearl. The captain and mate were thrown into prison. Mr. Giddings visited them the day after their arrest, but his life was threatened un

less he would leave, which he refused to do. He made the following statement at the time:

"I, Joshua R. Giddings, a member of the house of representatives, state: That, during the forenoon of yesterday, I visited the jail of this district. I was not acquainted with the keeper, and when I arrived I announced to him my name, and that I was a member of this body. That I further said to him that I wished to see the persons confined there on a charge of carying away slaves from this district. I told him that I wished to say to them that they should have the benefit of counsel and a legal trial, and their rights should be protected, and desired him to be present. He went with me to the passage that leads to the cells.

"While conversing with these men in the presence of the keeper, a mob came to the iron gate at the head of the stairway, and demanded that I should leave forthwith. The keeper informed them that he would not open the door until they retired. I was further informed that the mob had compelled the guard at the lower gate to deliver up the key to them; and in this way they had opened that gate, and by that means obtained access to the passage at the head of the stairs.

"After the mob had left the stairs and entered the lower passage, the keeper, and myself, and the Hon. E. S. Hamlin, who had visited the jail as attorney for the prisoners with me, came down to the lower gate, in front of which the mob was assembled. He opened the gate and I walked out. This morning I have been informed by a gentleman who is a stranger to me, but who says he was present, and heard the proposition made by individuals, to lay violent hands upon me