the manufacture of wool grown in the country, not in Spain, should be the chief ob- | ject; for it is not at all improbable, that employing so many hands in the working up such quantities of Spanish wool and cotton, together with the absurdity of supplying all the world with useless baubles, is now beginning rather to injure than serve England.

-As yet, Mr. Cobbett, I have said nothing relative to the linen manufacture; but, I shall now advance rather a singular opinion, namely, that it is unfit for Ireland. My reason for thinking so is, that I imagine such land as the land even in the north of Ireland, would be better employed in the growth of wool, or, to speak differently, in producing food and cloaths, and tallow, instead of being applied to the growing of flax, which is the most exhausting of all other crops; insomuch, that I have heard, that it renders the land incapable for a considerable time, of producing any thing unless manured at a great expence; also, from the vast number of hands employed, scarce any machinery being used before the article is offered for sale, beginning with the grower of the flax, and ending with the retail dealer, one must naturally suppose, that the profit obtained by each individual must be very inconsiderable; on these accounts therefore, at a future period, it would be surely to the advantage of Ireland to exchange woollens for linens with one of those countries (for instance Russia) that had more and inferior land to spare for the growing of flax. Notwithstanding all that I have said against the linen manufacture, I consider it as a very lucky circumstance that Ireland has been permitted to manufacture this one article, and send it to England freely for sale; for without this it would have been impossible for Ireland to have stood against the remittances she has been obliged to make to England on various accounts.-Now, Sir, as I wish sincerely to give every possible information with regard to the situation of Ireland without the smallest impartiality, I shall take the liberty of mentioning to you some observations I made a few years ago, relative to the state of religion in that country. I shall begin with the North, where I resided for some time; the lower and the middle classes (observe, Mr. Cobbett, there is a sort of middle class in the manufacturing parts of Ireland) are composed generally of Presbyterians intermixed with a few Roman Catholics; the higher class are all of the Church of England; all seemed when I knew that part of the country, to concur in a strict observance of religious duties on Sunday; and, I must confess, that I believe that

this was brought about chiefly by the exam. ple of the Presbyterians; however that may be, the North certainly appeared to me, (who was well acquainted with the South, and also with England), to be the most habitable part of Ireland. There were few thefts committed, and the lower classes ne. ver flattered in order to deceive; but, after all, I must own that I could not become much enamoured with the manners of the people, from observing many traits in their character, which proved that religion had by no means eradicated selfishness from their disposition. As to determining upon the state of religion in a capital city, or in large towns, that is a matter of infinite difficulty a popular preacher (for instance, such a man as Kirwan was), making so complete an alteration for the time being. I shall, therefore, confine myself to stating what I have happened to observe in the country parts of the South. The Roman Catholics there outnumber the Protestants very considerably; the Catholics are extremely punctual in their attendance at mass on Sundays, and also on Saints' days. On these Saints' days (which take labourers from employment, I believe nearly onefourth of the year, and consequently deducts much, one should suppose, from the riches of the country) labourers will on no account work; but, they will after having been to mass, either play, swear, lie, or drink to excess, or promote or engage in any sort of riot or dispute. Now, Sir, drunkenness is a vice which the Irish high and low are extremely addicted to; but, I leave others to judge, whether the higher class take example from the lower, or the lower from the higher, not doubting, that when it is perfectly ascertained which leads the way, that class feeling themselves ashamed of their conduct, will immediately set about making a thorough reformation. I shall now mention, that the church service is as well performed in Ireland as in England; but, notwithstanding, very few of the country gentlemen attend church, their employment on Sunday being usually riding and crossing the country, by way of practice for themselves and their horses. Possibly, Mr. Cobbett, because they have no time to spare for that purpose during the week. I shall refrain from saying any thing more respecting the moral conduct of both Protestants and Catholics, for fear the stating plain matters of fact may appear like ill nature; for, truly, I am not inclined to wound the feelings of either party, but merely to shew how little reason there is to dispute about religion in the South of Ireland; but, on the contrary,

how much better it would be for all of those who call themselves Christians, to endeavour to exhibit better examples of morality to each other than at present.I am, Sir, &c.M.H.

POOR LAWS. National Education. SIR,Statutes of restriction are more efficacious than statutes of compulsion. How much easier, speedier, and more agreeable is the method of collecting a revenue by stamps, without which, persons are restricted from possessing a valid title to their property, than by cesses and assessments backed by all the cohorts of magistrates and tax-gatherers. Let us apply this. An act is passed to render it compulsory upon parishes to provide schoolmasters, and all the paraphernalia of schools. The wise folks will probably turn out against, and in the end procure the repeal of this law. Why? Because they are compelled to pay for what in their eyes will not excite one simmer in the pot, for the education of other people's chil dren. On the other hand, an act is passed containing a principle restricting any person from voting at an election, unless he can prove to the satisfaction of the court, that he can read the oath tendered to him, and write his assent in full to it. This becoming the only qualification necessary to constitute a voter, would induce a general exertion throughout our common people to acquire that degree of learning, which would impart to them a privilege so flattering to their pride, and so agreeable to their feelings of self interest. Our members of parliament would then from interested motives be induced to keep some of those honied promises which they diffuse so generally on the eve of an election. The representative would then be known to his constituents, not known only through the medium of the newspapers, or your valuable Register, but known as one active in promoting national education. He would not be under the necessity of sending his lady to lower the dignity of her sex, in mixing with his offal supporters, she would be better employed in raising it, by a condescending attention to the minds of their infants.-If good is better than bad, the man who is gifted with the means by education of distinguishing the good from the bad, is surely better qualified to vote (and his vote will more probably prove of more service to his country) than he who from ignorance leaves it to chance, whether he chuses the good from the bad-In this country (Ireland) where forty shilling freeholders bear the sway,

the advantages would be inestimable and immediate. And, surely, if it often happened, as it happened lately, where some independent freeholders being driven down from the mountains of Mayo into court; by mistake voted for their landlord's opponent instead of the landlord himself, (who was a candidate) owing to a similarity in their names, would not the means of discrimination in the constituent be serviceable to the representation?HIBERNICUS.

FUNDING SYSTEM.

SIR,- -If I understand your correspondent C. S., he maintains in p. 446, that paying off the national debt of 600 millions, (and of course relieving the nation from the annual payment of 30 millions, which is the amount of the dividends) would raise the taxes from 70 to 490 millions, and that human nature would scarcely be able to endure the wretchedness and torment of the case.Now, as the liquidation of the debt would be attended with such direful consequences. I supposed that an addition to it would no doubt be beneficial; but, near the bottom of the same page, C. S. proves that to go on with the funding system would produce the same effects to the public as the reduction of the debt. To me this doctrine is passing strange.-W. B.-Sept. 26, 1807.

KILMAINHAM PENSIONERS.

Sir,-As I conceive the following hints to be strictly within the compass of your very laudable plan, I beg you will be pleased to grant a few columns of your Political Register, for the purpose of endeavouring to ameliorate the condition of a meritorious class of his majesty's subjects, with that generosity of spirit, which induced you on a former occasion, to afford six pages to the service of the Heir Apparent of the Royal House of Sheridan.-They contain no flowery diction, or hair-spun superfluities; but a plain, simple statement of facts, and sound reasoning, from the pen of a time-worn veteran. It is, no doubt, Sir, still fresh in your recollection, that during the late administration, large sums were drawn from the public purse, for the avowed purpose of " rewarding merit;" among other purposes to which such sums were applied, was that of augmenting the pensions of such men as had been discharged on the British establishment, and were admitted out-pensioners of Chelsea College. Had the equally deserving veterans of Kilmainham Hospital, been included in the grant, it would have reflected no small degree of honor on the heads of his majesty's ministers for the

time being; but as the case now stands, its principal tendency is that of sowing seeds. of discord between the two establishments. Why that respectable body of men should be totally neglected, is a matter of astonishment, not only to the pensioners themselves, but to the nation in general; and at present stands unaccounted for; as no reason has been offered to the public to justify that very extraordinary proceeding.That they have in every respect, been equally serviceable to the state, is an incontrovertible fact: and the annals of the East and West Indies, the American war, the siege of Gibraltar, &c. &c. all bear ample testimony, to that zeal with which they have served their country, amidst the greatest accumulated sufferings; I have no reason to doubt, sir, that you have often been an eyewitness to scenes in America, that would stagger the credulity of our Coffee-house politicians-During the ever to be remembered glorious defence of Gibraltar, under the immortal General Elliott, several of the still surviving pensioners of Kilmainham Hospital, cheerfully submitted to the most unparalleled hardships, during a siege of twentytwo months, and blockade of nearly three years; during which, it may with great propriety, be justly said, they drank the very dregs from the vials of human misery; the most severe hunger, hard duty, repairing the batteries, under an incessant fire of cannon and mortars; storming the enemy's works; removing stores; supplying the batteries with powder, shot and shells; drawing cannon and old ships sides up the hills; on which duty I have frequently beheld 150 or 200 men harnessed, and performing the work of horses, and am sorry, for the sake of truth, to be obliged to declare, that they too frequently received treatment not the most humane, from their merciless drivers; but as a tribute of justice to the mouldering dust of the brave general, must say, that he ever looked on such misconduct as extremely reprehensible, and punished it as the nature of the case required. Want of rest and excessive fatigue, daily produced the opened graves of their departed compas nions in distress, to the envious eyes of the wretched emaciated survivors; conscious that every death laid an additional, burden on their shoulders. The above is a faint statement of facts, that came within the compass of my own knowledge; having not only seen, but in a great measure experienced the horrors incident to that long protracted siegeThe surviving comparative few, after receivingesthelithanks of the three branches of the legislature for their faithful

service, were relieved and sent home, and the unserviceable of the different regiments, were admitted pensioners of Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospitals; several of which on the latter establishment, sill smarting under their wounds, with 42d. per day, continue to drag on a miserable existence, probably with large families friendless and unprotected, a prey to misery and want. As Gibraltar was the part in which providence in its wisdom required my service during the American war, I have dwelt, principally on my own experience; but not the least shadow of a doubt remains on my mind, but British soldiers led by able generals, will ever be found capable of surmount-. ing almost every obstacle, however dangerous, to which they may be opposed; and for which reason no difference should be made in rewarding their service, according to their respective rank.-I believe it to be a position which but few men will attempt to deny, that the rejection of the Catholic Bill, and the vociferated cry of “ no popery.' have not to the greatest wish'd for extent conciliated the minds of the Irish; however lavish some individuals may have been in asserting the loyalty and peaceable demeanors of the inhabitants of that part of the united kingdom.-The rebellion of 1798, with the numerous acts of atrocity committed since that period, and of which the newspapers continue to give the most alarming daily details, down to the present time; the passing of the insurrection bill; the keeping a large standing army in the island; which added to my own knowledge of the people, through the medium of a seven years residence among them, all tend in the strongest terms, to convince me that government does not place the most unlimited confidence in the above fraudulent assertions. On the other hand, it has been asserted from respectable authority, that a French party exists in Ireland; if such should be the actual state of the case, what human foresight can penetrate within the veil ?— Would any single one of the above assertors of loyalty and peaceable behaviour be answerable, at the expence of his head, that no serious consequences could possible arise from such existence-Would he take upon himself to be answerable under the above forfeiture, that the British army stationed in Ireland will never be called upon to act offensively against their fellow subjects in arms?-Certainly not.-There is not a single member of the Imperial Parliament, that would be guilty of such a flagrant act of insanity,No, no, Mr. Cobbett, though many people may be found base enough to

deceive their sovereign, and the nation in general, yet, believe me, sir, they are careful how they deceive themselves. -During the late rebellion in Ireland, the difference of pensions paid to Chelsea and Kilmainham out-pensioners were of a very trivial nature, particularly if the latter resided in Ireland, where he had twelve pence for his shilling. The British soldier displayed his courage on all occasions from a consummate knowledge, that if the chance of war should deprive him of the use of a limb, or be otherwise disabled, he should be nearly on a footing with his brethren of Chelsea; there existed no animosities between the pensioners of the two kingdoms, tranquility and content reigned predominant-How stands the case now?An act of union between the two kingdoms since that period has taken place, through which the out pensioners of Kilmainham hospital, entertained the most lively hopes of their being placed on an equal footing with those at Chelsea; but a sad reverse has been the actual state of the case-An act of the imperial Legislature, has placed a British militia-man, whose eyes never beheld a foreign shore, or ever fired a shot but at a dead object, and probably disabled in the act of robbing an hen roost, as the leading feature of the picture, where at his ease he smokes his pipe; while the Kilmainham pensioner after receiving the thanks of the King, Lords and Commons for his faithfal service, is seen in the back ground, covered with scars, on crutches, with his 42d. per day, in a degraded state,-begging; from the above statement of facts, is it reasonable to suppose, that a British soldier will, in future, act with that degree of spirit and energy, usual on former occasions; in a country, where probably fathers, uncles brothers, cousinsor acquaintances point each to their respective scars, or hoary heads, with streaming eyes, and uplifted hands, bewail the ingratitude of a nation, once celebrated, and unrivalled throughout the known world, for its impartial care of disabled, and worn out veterans. From the commencement of the French revolution to the present day, it has been my fortune, or more strictly speaking, misfortune to have anticipated most of the leading features of the affairs on the continent, nearly as they have fell out; and can assure you, Sir, nothing would give me a more singular pleasure, than to be able to place my hand on my heart, and solemuly declare, that it was my opinion no evil could ensue from the neglect of advancing the pensions. of the Kilmainham out pensioners; on the

contrary, Sir, I believe it to be a measure pregnant with the most alarming consequences, and loudly calls for the interference of his majesty's ministers, to apply that balm which the nature and justice of the case may require. Trivial causes have often been found productive of the most alarming baneful effects, and from the discontented state of the Kilmainham pensioners resident in London and its environs, (which are not unknown to their Agent in Chelsea) little doubt can remain with respect to the situation of those in Ireland; where it is but reasonable to suppose, nine tenths of the whole mass, have fixed their residence; and probably three fifths of which are of the catholic persuasion, and dispersed through every city, town, village, and hamlet, within the island; having free access to the regular troops, militia and peasantry; to whom they are daily pouring out their complaints, which for my own part, I consider to be an evil of far greater magnitude, than the landing of 30,000 French troops, at a period when loyalty and unanimity in all classes of his majesty's subjects reigned predominant, and would exert themselves in the common cause; that of hurlidg destruction on the heads of their enemies.-That the above hints may be productive of the desired effect, is the sincere wish of a loyal subject, and while life continues to animate his clay, will never be ashamed, even in the face of his enemies, let them be men or devils, to acknowledge himself-A BRITISH VETERAN, London 28th September 1807

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER. DANISH WARDEN DO From the French official paper of the 20th: September, salty san o

Copenhagen is in the hands of the English. It has capitulated 21 days after their landing in Zealand. Europe will learn with surprize that the city has fallen into their hands without the opening of the trenches, and solely through the terror of a bombardment. It is true, that the first effects were horrible; a part of the city is laid in ashes, a number of women and children killed, and thet Danish General has judged that she was under a necessity to sign such a Capitulation.-1 Every thing induces a belief, that the Capi tulation will not be ratified by the king of Denmark. The crown Prince has expressed the highest indignation that a General should enter into conditions, the nature of which is beyond the competence of a military officer to judge of. Already has he refused to see the English agent, Jackson, who presented himself before Kiel. He has declared, that

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he will continue at war with England, and that he will recover by force of arms alone, whatever has been wrested from him by surprize and treachery. It is observable, that in the 7th article the English speak of union and harmony between the two states. It becomes them, forsooth, to propose that the Danes should love them! In fact, without a word said, without a pretence, without a declaration of war, even while at Lon. don all the forms of a genuine friendship were maintained with the Danish Ambassador; have they done no smaller mischief than to set fire to their ships and houses, and to carry terror and death into the bosoms of their peaceful families?-If such provocation do not excite an implacable war with England-if a sentiment of hate and vengeance do not inflame all, from the old man to the boy, from the admiral to the cabin bay it is all over with the Danish nation. They have resolved to make a vigorous stand, for the injury which their independence has received is without exainple in the history of the world. Human language has no expression equal to describe such an enterprize.-Denmark has acted a foolish part, and has had this in common with the continent, that she has always been distrustful towards France, and giving all credit to the boasting and pretensions of the upright Cabinet of London. Surely, if the Danish army had been in Zealand, instead of being on the continent, at the moment when the English made their appearance, the latter never would have had success. Besides the English ministry have not so much to boast of. What has also sulted from this expedition is, that it has injured England, and what also will be the effect of it, history will represent it as nothing less than a foolish cruelty. For what was itsobject? to prevent the French from making themselves masters of the Danish fleet: but could they do this while that very fleet lay locked up in the port of a distant island? And, if they had obtained possession of it, was it in their power to equip it, and conduct it to the harbours of France? Will they augment the English fleet by fifteen or twenty block ships, which are found in the arsenal of Copenhagen? But it is not ships which the English stand in need of. Do they hope to make themselves masters of the Sound, and to continue in possession of it, as of Gibraltar? But by the capitulation of the English General, he has bound himself to evacuate Zealand, and to make no attack on Fuhnen. Was it feared that France would increase her hostile means by all the power of Denmark? The means of preventing

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this were not difficult; either the Danes submitted to the threats of England, and then France took possesion of threefourths of Denmark; or they rejected with indig nation the offensive demand, and thereupon no one could any longer doubt, from the noble character of the Crown Prince, and the courage of the Danish Nation, when excited by desperation, that it became necessary to take up arms, and to make a com mon cause with France. Besides even in both alternatives, this attack gave a new enemy to England, and it could not havė been planned but by a foolish policy, or a secret hostility to the power of Denmark; pleasing demonstration to mankind, that an unjust attack is ever pernicious.—The English Cabinet could not have contrived any thing more injurious to its interests, or more calculated to rouse the indignation of Europe than this base act of treachery. Do they believe that they have delivered themselves from a disagreeable situation, by a capitulation extorted by force from weakness, from pusillanimity. They have for ever lost the friendship of Denmark, and the respect of all nations. They can make no use of the ships which they have taken, nor can they retain Zealand. The season approaches in which the East and West Indies, Ireland and England herself, may be attack. eed, whil the greater part of her force will be in danger of being inclosed in the ice of the Baltic. Either the English will remain in Zealand, and be driven from it in the winter, whatsoever force their army may be; or they will evacuate it, according to the terms of the capitulation, and then the Sound is shut against them for ever.--Denmark has a Jand force capable of resisting all the attacks of the English, and had it not been for the false security with which she was inspired, while the views of France engaged her attention, there would have been 40,000 men at Copenhagen; and Lord Catheart would have experienced, under the walls of that city, a reception equally memorable as that which fell to the Duke of York at Dunkirk and in Holland, and which the English are always sure to obtain whenever they venture to set foot on the Continent. Is it by taking the Danish fleet, by burning the capital, by attacking the independence, and violating the neutrality of Denmark, that the English ministers or their general pretend to preserve the neutrality of that country? One is indeed compelled to form as unfavourable an opinion of their foresight as of their justice. If they expect to maintain themselves in Zealand, they must assemble there an army of at least 80,000 men, and even that force