alted by the other. This theory and policy, tending to the subversion of the natural and divine order, must make man less a man, and woman less a woman.

A distinguished woman advocate of this suffrage movement says, "We need the ballot to protect us against men." When one sex is compelled thus to protect itself against the other the foundations of society are already crumbling.

Woman now makes man what he is. She controls him as babe, boy, manly son, brother, lover, husband, father. Her influence is enormous. If she use it wisely, she needs no additional power. If she abuse her opportunity, she deserves no additional responsibility. Her womanly weight, now without measure, will be limited to the value of a single ballot, and her control over from two to five additional votes forfeited.

The curse of America to-day is in the dominated partisan vote-the vote of ignorance and superstition. Shall we help matters by doubling this dangerous mass Free from the direct complications and passions of the political arena, the best women may exert a conservative and moral influence over men as voters. Force her into the same bad atmosphere, and both man and woman must inevitably suffer incalculable loss. We know what woman can be in the "commune," in "riots," and on the "rostrum."

Woman can, through the votes of men, have every right to which she is entitled. All she has man has gladly given her. It is his glory to represent her. To rob him of this right is to weaken both. He and she are just now in danger through his mistaken courtesy.

JOHN H. VINCENT.

The foregoing reversals or modifications might be duplicated many times.

X.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND WOMAN SUFFRAGE

T has been taken for granted by many that
Abraham Lincoln held to his early proclama-

I

tion of adherence to Woman Suffrage throughout his subsequent career. Others wonder if he changed his opinion.

Absolute proof is not forthcoming, but there is strong circumstantial evidence that he did reverse his opinion. This evidence I place before the reader without argumentation.

In preparing a paper entitled "Washington and Lincoln Compared and Contrasted," I reviewed the contemporary history of President Lincoln; consulting all his standard biographies, records of debates, messages and speeches; also his "Letters" and wise and witty sayings. Supposing, from the frequent use made of President Lincoln's name in public advocacy of Woman Suffrage, that I should find many references to his relation to the subject; but the only allusion was in Lincoln's letter to the Sangamon Journal, Springfield, Ill., under date of June 13, 1836, when for the second time he announced him. self a candidate for the legislature. His platform was this:

"I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in bearing its burdens, consequently I go for admitting all whites to the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding females)."

At that time he was but twenty-seven years and a few months old. From then till his death no one has been able to find a letter, a speech, a message, or a reference to the subject, attributed to him, nor did those nearest to him ever hear him mention Woman Suffrage. William O. Stoddard, one of the private secretaries of President Lincoln for several consecutive years, informs me that he never heard the President mention the subject. John G. Nicolay, secretary to President Lincoln and author of the "Biography of Abraham Lincoln," and coadjutor of John Hay in the great biography previously mentioned, sent me the following note:

I know of no allusion or reference by Mr. Lincoln to the question of female suffrage, except that made in the card printed in the Sangamon Journal under date of June 13, 1836 (and which is reprinted in Lincoln's "Complete Works," Vol. I, p. 7).

So far as I know, the topic is nowhere else mentioned in his writings, speeches, or letters, nor did I ever hear him refer to it in conversation either directly or indirectly.

JOHN G. NICOLAY.

The name of Abraham Lincoln does not appear in

the index of the three volume "History of Woman Suffrage," edited by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage, though hun. dreds of names of adherents now forgotten are found therein.

Dr. Henry W. Bellows, the president of the Sanitary Commission, records that "the earliest movement for army relief was begun by the women of the nation, and their zeal and devotion no more flagged through the war than did that of the army in the field. The barriers of sect, caste and conventionalism, which had heretofore separated them, were burned away in the fervid heat of their loyalty."

President Lincoln-according to Mrs. Livermoredisapproved at first of the coöperative work of women for the relief of the army and declared that "it would prove a dreadful fifth wheel to the coach" ; but when the war was over, speaking of this subject, he said that "if all that had been said by orators and poets among all nations since the creation of the world in praise of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them justice for their conduct during this war." But President Lincoln had reached the profound conviction that the temperament of women is such as to make it more difficult to compose public feuds among them than among men. When the possibility of carrying out his conciliatory methods of reconstruction was under consideration, he remarked to the

same distinguished Dr. Bellows that he "expected more trouble from the women than from the men,” and closed the conversation with these words: "Bellows, you take care of the women and I will take care of the men."

Under these circumstances no one can longer exclaim with confidence that "Abraham Lincoln is the highest star in the galaxy of the champions of woman's demand for the ballot."