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he permission to assign my reasons for my vote, when the sons she committed inoffensive, innocent, pious ministers question was put upon those resolutions themselves. of the Gospel of Truth, for carrying the light, the com

Sir, it is a melancholy contemplation to me, and raises forts, and the consolations of that Gospel to the hearts and fearful forebodings in my mind when I consider the nian- minds of these unhappy Indians. A solemn decision of ner in which that Report and those Resolutions have been the Supreme Court of the United States pronounced that lisposed of by the House. I have twice asked permission act a violation of your treaties and of your laws. Georgia of this House to offer two resolutions calling for informa- defied that decision: your Executive Government never tion from the President upon subjects of infinite impor- carried it into execution: the imprisoned missionaries of tance to this question of slavery, to our relations with Mexi- the Gospel were compelled to purchase their ransom from co, and to the peace of the country. When I last made perpetual captivity by sacrificing their rights as freemen to the attempt, a majority of the House voted by yeas and the meekness of their principles as Christians; and you nays to suspend the rules to enable me to offer one of the have sanctioned all these outrages upon justice, law, and two resolutions--but the majority not amounting to two humanity, by succumbing to the power and the policy of thirds, my resolution has not yet obtained from the House Georgia, by accommodating your legislation to her arbitrathe favor of being considered. Had it been the pleasure of ry will; by tearing to tatters your old treaties with the Inthe House to indulge the call, or to allow me the privilege dians, and by constraining them, under peine forte et dure, of assigning my reasons for my vote on the resolution this

to the mockery of signing other treaties with you, which, morning, the remarks that I have now made might have at the first moment when it shall suit your purpose, you Deen deemed more appropriate to those topics of discussion, will again tear to tatters and scatter to ihe four winds of than to the question more immediately now before the com- Heaven, till the Indian race shall be extinct upon this conmittee. They are reflections, however, which I deem it tinent, and it shall become a problem beyond the solution of not less inüizpensablu xə make than they are painful to be antiquaries and historical societies what the red man of the inadeextorted from me by a condition of public affairs forest was. unexampled in the history of this country. Heretofore, This, sir, is the remote and primitive cause of the precalls as that which I have proposed to make, were considered as taining that of Georgia and Alabama. This system of poamong the rights of the members of this House, which it licy was first introduced by the present Administration of was scarcely deemed decent to resist. A previous ques- your National Government. It is directly the reverse of tion, smothering all discussion upon resolutions reported by that system which had been pursued by all the preceda committee, affecting the vital principles of the Constitu- ing Administrations of this Government under the present tion, moved by one of the members who reported the reso- Constitution. That system consisted in the most anxious lutions, and sustained by the members of that committee and persevering efforts to civilize the Indians; to attach itsell, is an occurrence which never before happened in the them to the soil upon which they lived; to enlighten their annals of this Government. The adoption of those reso- minds; to soften and humanize their hearts; to fix in perlutions of the House had not even been moved. Upon the manency their habitations; and to turn them from the wanmere question whether an extra number of the report dering and precarious pursuits of the hunter, to the tillage of the committee should be printed, a member moves the of the ground; to the cultivation of corn and cotton; to recoinmitinent of the report, with instructions to report a the comforts of the fire-side; to the delights of home. This new resolution. On this motion the previous question is was the system of Washington and of Jefferson, steadily moved, and the Speaker declares that the main question is pursued by all their successors, and to which all your treanot on the motion to recommit, not on the motion to print ties and all your laws of intercourse with the Indian tribes an extra number of copies of the report, but upon the adop- were accommodated. The whole system is now broken tion of three resolutions, reported, but never even moved in up; and instead of it you have adopted that of expelling the House. If this is to be the sample of our future legis- by force or by compact, all the Indian tribes from their own lation, it is time to awake from the delusion that freedom of territories and dwellings, to a region beyond the Mississpeech is among the rights of the members of the minority sippi, beyond the Missouri, beyond the Arkansas, borof this House.

dering upon Mexico; and there you have deluded them To return, Mr. Chairman, to the resolution before the with the hope that they will find a permanent abodecommittee. I shall vote for this application of moneys, le- a final resting-place from your never-ending rapacity and viel hy taxation upon myönstituents, iu feed the suffering

pericitur To you have undertaken to lead the wiland starving fugitives from Indian desperation and revenge. ling and to drive the reluctant, by fraud or by force; by How deeply searching in the coffers of your Treasury this treaty, or by the sword and the rifle; all the remnants of operation will ultimately be, no man can at this time fore- the Seminoles, of the Creeks, of the Cherokees, of the tell. The expenditure authorized by this resolution may Choctaws, and of how many other tribes I cannot now stop be not in itself very considerable; but in its progress it has to enumerate. In the process of this violent and heartless already stretched from Alabama to Georgia-how much operation, you have met with all the resistance which men further it may extend, will be seen hereafter. I turn my in so helpless a condition as that of the Indian tribes could eyes away from the prospect of it now; but am prepared to make. of the immediate causes of the war we are not yet ineet the emergency, if it should come, with all the re

fully informed; but I fear you will find them, like the resources of the Treasury.

moter causes, all attributable to yourselves. It is in the But, sir, I shall not vote for this relief to the suffering

last agonies of a people, forcibly torn and driven from the inhabitants of Alabama, and of Georgia, upon the ground soil which they had inherited from their fathers, and which on which the gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. Lewis) and

your own example, and exhortations, and instructions, and the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Thompson) have treaties, had rivetted more closely to their hearts; it is in been disposed to place it. Little reason have the inhabi

the last convulsive struggles of their despair, that this war tants of Georgia and of Alabama to complain that the Go

has originated; and if it brings with it some portion of the vernment of the United States has been remiss or neglect- retributive justice of Heaven upon our own People, it is ful in protecting them from Indian hostilities: the fact is

our melancholy duty to mitigate, as far as the public redirectly the reverse. The People of Alabama and Geor

sources of the National Treasury will permit, the distresses già are now suffering the recoil of their own unlawful of the innocent of our own kindred and blood, suffering weapons. Georgia, sir, Georgia, by trampling upon the under the necessary consequences of our own wrong.

I faith of our national treaties with the Indian tribes and by shall vote for the resolution. subjecting them to her State laws, first set the example of that policy which is now in the process of consummation by

[NOTE.--This Speech was delivered without premeditation or this Indian war.

No report of it was made by any of the usual reporters In setting this example, she bade deti

Mr. ADAMS has written it out, himself, ance to the authority of the Government of the nation ;

from recollection, at the request of several of his friends, for she nullified your laws: she set at naught your Executive publication. It is, of course, not in the precise language used by and judicial guardians of the common Constitution of the

him in the House. There is some amplification of the arguland. To what extent she carried this policy, the dun

ments which he used, and, perhaps, some omissions which gcoas of her prison; and the records of the Supreme Judi

have escaped his recollection. The substance of the Speech i cial Court of the United States can tell. To those pri- the same.]

.:

notes.
for the newspapers.

SPEECH

HON. JOHN H. BAKER,

OF IN DIANA,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

JUNE 14, 1880.

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8 P E E OA

OF

HON.

JOHN H. BA K E R.

Ou the bill (H. R. No. 6325) making appropriations to supply deficiencies in the appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for prior years, and for those certified as due by the accounting officers of the Treasury in accordance with section 4 of the act of June 14, 1878, heretofore paid from permanont appropriations, and for other purposesMr. BAKER said:

Mr. SPEAKER: The close of the second session of the Forty-sixth Congress presents a fitting occasion for a brief review of the management of the material interests of the country by the democratic party. That party came into power in this House at the election held in the fall of 1874. It had arraigned the republican party before the country upon two material and vital issues, namely: first, that the expenditures for the support of the Government were much beyond the needs of an economical administration; and, second, that the internal revenues and customs duties laid unequal and excessive burdens on the people. The first it promised to retrench and the second to reform. In the presidential campaign of 1876 it again went before the country on a jilatform pledging retrenchment and reform, It presented to the cou try two names as living embodiments of these issues. While that party failed to elect its presidential ticket, it succeeded in retaining control of the House and securing control of the Senate.

In both particulars it has violated its plightful faith. It has demonstrated its utter lack of capacity either to retrench expenditures or to effect any reform in the revenue or tariff laws. A brief contrast of what was accomplished by the republican party during the period of five years ending June 30, 1876, (that being the date to which the appropriations made by the Forty-third Congress extended,) with what has been accomplished by the democratic party since, will establish the falsity of their pretended retrenchment. And it must be borne in mind that during the five years of republican control there were larger and more numerous claims and obligations growing out of the war which had to be provided for than have existed since the democracy gained control of the House. I have a carefully prepared official statement which exhibits the net ordinary expenditures of the Government from the year 1856 to the present time. I will incorporate it at the close of my remarks.

It is shown by this statement that during the last five years of republican aseendency the expenditures of the Government were as follows: For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1871, $292,177,188.25; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1872, $277,517,962.67; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1:873, $290,345,245,33; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1874, $287,133,873.17; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1875, $274,623,392.84'; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1876, $258,459,797.33. Thus the republican party in the course of five years made a reduction in the expenditures, of $33,717,390.92. If they had retained control during the last five years it is safe to say they would have made a reduction in the annual expenditures equally as great. Thus for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, the expenditures under republican rule would have reached only to the sum of $224,742,406.41, instead of the sum of $297,847,900.90. Taking the annual expenditures since the democratic party got control of the House we find the following exhibit: For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1877, $238,660,008,93; for the fiscal yearending June 30, 1878, $236,964,326.80; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1879, $266,947,883.53 ; for the fiscal Fear ending June 30, 1880, the amount appropriated is $297,860,237.17; for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, the amount appropriated is $291,423,888.90. The sum of $6,424,012 was appropriated for deficiencies for the present fiscal year; a like sum, and perhaps greater, will have to be appropriated next winter to cover deficiencies for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881. This sum for deficiencies must be added to the amounts already appropriated to enable us to get a true statement of the expenditures during the fifth year of democratic ascendency. It will amount to the sum of $297,847,900.90.

Thus so-called democratic economy has at the end of five years reached the expenditure of $39,388, 103.57 beyond the amount expended during the last year the republican party had control of the House. During the first two years of democratic ascendency there was an apparent saving in expenditures of about $20,000,000. But it was an economy for which every honorable and patriotic man should feel humiliated. It was principally accomplished by a ruthless cutting down of the meager salaries of nearly every employé of the Government except their own, and by refusing to appropriate money to meet the just and necessary wants and obligations of the Government. The rapid increase in expenditures during the last three years is a matter which should give pause to patriotic thought and lead candid men to inquire whether prudence and self-interest do not demand a change in those who control the purse.

The House has been in the undisputed control of the democracy for five years, and their management here exhibits their pretended economy in its true light. The last year during which the republicans had control of the House the number of employés and the amount expended is shown by the following statement taken from the appropriation laws:

Permanent annual employés of the House of Representatives, 125; amount of salaries paid said employés, $194,190.70; for official reporters of debates, $25,000; for two stenographers, $8,400; per diem clerks, $22,500; making a total expenditure of $250,190.70.' The present Congress has increased the permanent annual employés to 173, costing annuallinorem no on stenographers, $10,000; for thirty-two per diem clerks, $23,040; making a total expenditure of $265,838.

Thus we see that the democrats have increased the permanent House employés forty-eight, or about 40 per cent., and have increased the annual expenditures $15,747.30. We are told by the democracy that there are now one hundred thousand inen in the civil service of the Government. If that party had control of the Executive and made as liberal an increase in other departments of the public service as they have about the House, we should speedily have forty thousand more men in the civil service than we have under repub

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