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them aid and comfort? If there are any such in This is to be found on pages 431 and 432 of the United States they ought to be punished accord-Moultrie's Memoirs.' On the latter page he says: ing to law and the Constitution. [Applause in the “When the question was carried for giving up the town galleries, which was suppressed by the Presiding upon a neutrality, I will not say who was for the question ; Officer, Mr. Fitch in the chair. I Mr. Ritchie, but this I well remember, that Mr. John Edwards, one of speaķing for the Old Dominion, used language that| merchant of Charlestown, was so affected as to weep, and

the Privy Council, il worthy citizen, and a very respectable was unmistakable: "The treason springing out said," What! are we to give up the town at last? » of the hot-bed of the Hariford convention should

He says that he endeavored to get a message punished.?! It was all right to talk about trea- | carried from the Governor and Council to General son then; it was all right to punish traitors in that Provost. Those to whom he applied begged to direction. For myself, I care not whether treason be excused; but finally he pressed them into a be committed north or south; he that is guilty of compliance. The message was: treason deserves a traitor's fate. But, Mr. President, when we come to examine Britain and America, and the question whether the State

“To propose a neutrality during the war between Great the views.of some of those who have been engaged shall belong to Great Britain, or remain one of the United in this work, we find that the foundation of their States, be deterinined by the treaty of peace between those desire to break up this Government dates beyond, and goes very far back of, any recent agitation of The Governor, it seems, proposed a neutrality; the slavery question. There are some men who proposed to withdraw from the Confederacy, to want to break up this Government

anyhow; who desist from resistance to Great Britain, and leave want a separation of the Union. There are some it to the two Powers, in making a treaty, to say who have got tired of a government by the people. whether they should remain a colony of Great They fear the people. Take the State of South Britain or be one of the United States. At this Carolina. Although she has had Senators on this early day, Şoutì Carolina was willing to go back and floor who have acted a portion of the time with be subjected to the Crown of Great Britain under the Democratic party, and sometimes with no King George III. party, there is, in that State, an ancient and a fixed Mr. WIGFALL. I ask the Senator merely to opposition to a government by the people. They | permit me to correct him as to a fact. have an early prejudice against this thing called Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I do not yield democracy-a government of the people. They the floor. entertained the idea of secession at a very early

Mr. WIGFALL. I do not intend to interrupt day; it is no new idea with them; it has not arisen you~ out of the slavery question and its recent agitation. Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I do not yield Even to this good day, the people, the freemen the floor. of South Carolina, have never been permitted to

The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Fitch.) vote for President and Vice President of the Uni-The Senator from Tennessee is entitled to the ted States. They have never enjoyed thạt great floor. luxury of freemen, of having a voice in the selec- Mr. WIGFALL. The Articles of Confederation of their Chief Magistrate.

tion were formed in 1781; that is all. I have before me an old volume. In the front- Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I have them ispiece I find a picture of " William Moultrię, before me: "Articles of Confederation and PerEsq., late Governor of South Carolina, and major petual Union;" and they end: “Done at Philageneral in the American revolutionary war." The delphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 9th day book is entitled, “Memoirs of the American Rev- July, in the year of our Lord 1778.", olution, so far as it related to the States of North Mr. WIGFALL. They were ratified in 1781. and South Carolina and Georgia;" and the author If you will read history and inform yourself, you is William Moultrie. "The Articles of Confeder-/ will not fall into so many errors: 1781 is the ation, it will be remembered, were adopted July 1 time; I know it. 9, 1778. South Carolina was one of the mem- Mr.JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I will just refer bers of the Confederacy-a party to the compact. || to the document. Charleston was besieged during the revolutionary

Mr. WIGFALL. While the Senator is lookwar, in 1779, by the British. The defense of the ing over it, I will merely observe that I made the town had been kept up for a considerable length correction out of kindness to him. of time, and at last General Moultrie sent a mes- Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I always presage to the British commander, desiring to know fer having correct ideas, and selecting my own

on what terms he would be disposed to grant a sources of information. [Laughter.] capitulation." The answer of General Provost Mr. WIGFALL. The year 1781 was the time was submitted to the Governor, who summoned the Articles of Confederation were ratified. You a council of war, and the result was the follow- were simply mistaken; that is all. ing message to the British commander:

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I do not accept

the correction, nor have I very much respect for CHARLESTOWN, May 12, 1779. Sir: I.cannot possibly agree to so dishonorable a propo- however, it does not change the great historical

the motive that prompted it. Let that be as it may, sal as is contained in your favor of yesterday, but if you fact that at that day, instead of holding out with will appoint an officer to confer on terms, I will send one to meet him, at such time and place as you fix on.

the other colonies who were members of the ConI have the honor to be, &c.,

federacy and engaged in the war, South Carolina

was willing to enter into an agreement of neuBrigadier General PROVOST.

trality and go back under the protection of King



year 1780."


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George III. I have another document that I wish to and not go through the revolutionary struggle with read from; a book called “ The Remembrancer, or the colonies with whom they had formed a confedImpartial Repository of Public Events for theleration.

In that year the people of Charles- Again: in 1833; under the pretense of resistton, a large number of them, in view of the dif- ance to the operation of our revenue system and ficulties then upon the country, prepared an ad-to a protective tariff, they endeavored to break dress, which I ask my friend from California, who up the Government. They were overruled then. reads so much better than I do, to read for me. Their pride was wounded by that failure; and Mr. LATHAM read, as follows:

their determination was fixed, whenever it was in To their. Excellencies, Sir HENRY CLINTON, Knight of

their power, to break up this Governrnent and go the Bath, General of his Majesty's forces, and MARIOT

out of the Union. This feeling, I have no doubt, ARBURTHNOT, Esq., Vice Admiral of the Blue, his Ma-1 has existed there from that period to the present jesty's Commissioners to restore peace and good govern-| time. When we turn to the debates which remerit in the several colonies in rebellion in North America: || cently took place in the South Carolina convenThe humble address of divers inhabitants of Charles- tion, we find that Mr. Maxcy Gregg, Mr. Rhett,

The inhabitants of Charlestown, by the articles of capit- and others, said that their reason for going out of ulation, are declared prisoners of war on parole; but we,

the Union now dates as far back as forty years; the underwritten, having every inducement to return to some of them said thirty years, and some twenty. our allegiance, and ardently hoping speedily to be readmitted to the character and condition of British subjects;|| Mr. Gregg said, in the South Carolina conventake this opportunity of tendering to your Excellencies ouł | tion, on the 21st of December last: warmest congratulations on the restoration of “If we undertake to set forth all the causes, do we not and province to their political connection with the Crown dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of South Caroand Government of Great Britain ; an event which will add || lina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war luster to your Excellencies' characters, and, we trust, én- against the tariff and against internal improvements, saying title you to the most distinguishing mark of the royal favor, ll nothing of the United States Bank, and other measures, Although the right of taxing America in Parliament excited

which miy now be regarded as obsolete." considerable ferment in the minds of the people of this province, yet it may, with a religious adherence to truth, be Mr. Rhett, on the 24th of December, said: affirmed that they did not entertain the most distant thought "The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a of dissolving the union that so happily subsisted between day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's electhem and their parent country; and when, in the progress of tion, or by the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It that fatal controversy, the doctrine of independency (which has been a inatter which has been gathering head for thirty originated in the more northern colonies) made its appear

years." ance among us, our nature revolted at the idea, and we look back with the most painful regret on those convulsions that Hence we see that there is a design with some gave existence to a power of subverting a constitution for to break up this Government without réferenme which we always had, and ever sliäll retain, thie most pro- the slavery question; and the slavery question is found veneration, and substituting in its stead a rank democracy, which, however carefully digested in theory, on

by them made a pretense for destroying this Union. being reduced into practice has exhibited a system of ty- || They have at length passed their ordinance of rannic domination only to be found among the uncivilized secession; they assume to be out of the Union; part of mankind or in the history of tlie dark and barbarous they declare that they are no longer à member of ages of antiquity. We sincerely lament that, after the repeal of those stat

the Confederacy. Now what are the other States utes which gave rise to the troubles in America, the over- called upon to do? Are the other States called tures made by his Majesty's Commissioners, from time to upon to make South Carolina an exemplar? Are time, were not regarded by our late rulers. To tbis fatal

those slave States who believe that freemen should inattention are to be attributed those calainities which have involved our country in a state of misery and ruin from govern and that freemen can take care of slave which, however, we trust it will soon emerge, by the property, to be “ precipitated into a revolution ” wisdom and clemency of his Majesty's auspicious Govern- | by following the example of South Carolina ? merit, and the

influences of prudential laws, adapted to the Will they do it? What protection, what security, be restored to those privileges, in the enjoyment whereof will Tennessee, will Kentucky, will Virginia, will their former felicity consisted.

Maryland, or any other State, receive from South Animated with these hopes, we entreat your Excellen: || Carolina by following her example? What procies’ interposition in assuring his Majesty that we shall tection can she give them? On the contrary, she glory in every occasion of manifesting that zeal and affection for his person and Governinent with which gratitude indulgés in a threat towards them--a threat that cán inspire a free and joyful people.

if they do not imitate her example and come into Charlestown, June 5, 1780.

a new confederacy upon her terms, they are to be [Signed by two hundred and ten of the principal inhabitants. 1-The Remembrancer, part 2, 1780; page 84.

put under the ban, and their slave property to be

subjected to restraint and restriction. What proMr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. It will be seen, tection can South Carolina give Tennessee? Any? from these two documents, what the early notions None upon the face of the earth. of the people of South Carolina were. There Some of the men who are engaged in the work never was, and I doubt very much whether, with of disruption and dissolution, want Tennessee a large portion of them, there ever will be, any and Kentucky and Virginia to furnish them with ideas of the people governing themselves. They men and money in the event of their becoming had, at that early day, a great aversion to a gov- engaged in a war for the conquest of Mexico. ernment by the people. It was repudiated; and in The Tennesseeans and Kentuckians and Virginthe document which has just been read, signed by ians are very desirable when their men and their two hundred and ten citizens of Charleston, they money are wanted; but what protection does proposed to pass back under the British Govern- || South Carolina give Tennessee?' If negro propment. This carries out the previous proposition erty is endangered in Tennessee, we have to deto remain with Great Britain by treaty stipulation, l] fend it and take care ofit-not South Carolina, that



has been an apple of discord in this Confederacy like replying to him, on the spur of the occasion; from my earliest recollection down to the present but it was late in the evening, and by the time he time, complaining of everything, satisfied with had concluded, the Senate was tired out, and I nothing. I do not intend to be invidious, but I declined going on. I preferred to let it pass,

and have sometimes thought that it would be a com- submit to all the wrong and injury inflicted upon fort if Massachusetts and South Carolina could be me. In his speech upon that occasion, the Senachained together as the Siamese twins, separated tor from Oregon made use of the following lanfrom the continent, and taken out to some remote guage: and secluded part of the ocean, and there fast

“ He [alluding to myself] has spoken very handsomely anchored, to be washed by the waves, and to be of the gallant conduct of that glorious band, the northern cooled by the winds; and after they had been Democracy of the country, wlio, though in a minority at kept there a sufficient length of time, the people | home, have struggled for the rights of their southern brethof the United States might entertain the proposi- 11 to that portion of the people of this country; and I will say tion of taking them back.. [Laughter.] They to that honorable gentleman that while they struggle for the have been a source of dissatisfaction pretty much constitutional rights of the other States of the Union, as ever since they entered the Union; and some ex

they have always done, and as they will continue to do, periment of this sort, I think, would operate ben- | under his banner to strike down a gallant, chivalrous, and

there is one thing that they will not do: they will not march eficially upon them; but as they are here, we must generous people contending for rights that have been retry to do the best we can with them,

fused them by the other States of this Union. They will not march with him under his bloody banner, or Mr. Lincoln's, to invade the soil of the gallant State of South Car

olina when she may withdraw from a Confederacy that has Somuch, Mr. President, for South Carolina and refused lier that equality to which she is entitled, as a memLouisiana in this struggle. I do not think they are ber of the Union, under the Constitution. On the contrary, setting examples very worthy of imitation. But, I when he or any other gentleman raises that banner and at sir, the speech that I made on the 19th of Decem-ling with him, we will meet him there, ready to repel him

tempts to subjugate that gallant people, instead of marchber seems to have produced some little stir; and and his forces. among other distinguished Senators, the Senator Democracy to strike down a people contending for rights from Oregon (Mr. LANC] felt it his duty, late in

that have been refused them in a Union that ought to rec

ognize the equality of every member of the Confederacy." the evening, to make a reply to me. I do not see why it was called for from the Senator from Ore

I do not know that I used any argument that gon. I did not know that I had said anything should have caused a reply like that. Did anythat was offensive to him; it was not my inten- | body hear me use the term “ bloody banner?"" tion to do so; it was an inadvertence, if I' did. I Did anybody hear me talk about marching down felt that I had just come out of a campaign in upon South Carolina ? Did anybody hear me speak which I had labored hard, and in which I had ex

about coercing a State? No. pended my money and my time in vindicating

Mr. LANĚ. Will the Senator allow me a him and the present Vice President, who was a

word? candidate for the Presidency, from the charge of

Mr.JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I would rather favoring secession and disunion. Through the go on, sir. Why, then, answer positions I did dust and heat, through the mud and rain, I trav

not assume, or attribute to me language that I did ersed my State, meeting the tion that secession was at the bottom of this move- use language and assign a position to me which, ment; that there was a fixed design and plan to

if not intended, was calculated to make a false imbreak up this Government; that it started at pression? What called it forth? What reason Charleston, and was consummated at Baltimore; was there for it? I saw the consternation which and the charge was made that my worthy friend

was created. I looked at some of their faces. I -if I may be permitted to call him such; I thought I knew that I had stirred up animosity, and it was I was his friend then—was the embodiment of important that somebody from another quarter disunion and secession. I met the charge. I

should make the attack. If the attack had been denied it. I repudiated it. I tried to convince the upon what I said or upon the position I had aspeople--and I think I did succeed in convincing sumed, I should have no cause to complain; and some of them--that the charge was untrue; and I do not complain now. Sir, though not very old, that he and Mr. Breckinridge were the two best || I have lived down some men. I have survived Union men in the country. I did not see what many misrepresentations. I feel that I have a there was in my speech that should extort reply conscience and a heart that will lead me to do it from him, who resided away North. I had not again. But when I had said nothing, when I had come in conflict with anything that he had said or done nothing, to be struck by him whom I have done. When he was striking these blows at me vindicated, I might well have exclaimed, " That without cause, I thought it was, at least, unkind.

was the unkindest cut of all,' I may not have defended him to his entire satis- Again: the Senator said: faction. It so turned out that we were unfortu- “ If' it should come unfortunately upon this country, innate; we were defeated; but I was willing to stand augurated by a tyrant, who would like to conquer and hold

Ainerican citizens as vassals, then I will say to that coward like a man; to stand upon the Constitution and

who would do it, 'You will walk over your huinble serthe Union, and, if I must fall, fall decently. Af- vant's body first. I shall never coöperate with any portion ter I had gone through the canvass; after I had of this country, North or South, that would strike down a defended the Senator, and sustained him with my

people contending for their rights." voice and my vote, I thought it was strange that I march down upon South Carolina! Did I he should attack me in the manner he did. I felt Il propose any such thing? No. War is not the

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natural element of my mind; and, as I stated in of the United States does not require the intervention of that speech, my thoughts were turned on peace, Congress for the protection of property in slaves. and not on war. I want no strife. I want no war.

"On the question to agree to the amendment proposed

by Mr. BROWN, to wit: Štrike out of the amendinent the In the language of a denomination that is numer- word 'not,' ous in the country, I may say I hate war and love " It was determined in the negative-yeas 5, nays 43." peace. I belong to the peace party. I thought,

Now, by striking out the word “not," it makes when I was making that speech, that I was hold- | the resolution read: ing out the olive branch of peace. I wanted to

" Resolved, That the existing condition of the Territories give quiet and reconciliation to a distracted and

of the United States does require the intervention of Conexcited country. That was the object I had in gress for the protection of property in slaves." view. War, I repeat, is not the natural element of my mind. I would rather wear upon my gar- out the word " not,” thereby making it read that

Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, moved to strike the field, as badges of the pursuits of peace, than the the condition of the Territories does require the gaudy epaulet upon my shoulder, or a sword | protection of Congresis for slave property; and dangsing by my side, with its glittering scabbard, || tion to strike out the word " not,” there were~

the yeas and nays being taken on that mothe insignia of strife, of war, of blood, of carnage; sometimes of honorable and glorious war. But, yeas 5, nays 43.

66 On motion of Mr. CLINGMAN, sir, I would rather see the people of the United

“ The yeas and nays being desired by one fifth of the States at war with every other Power upon the Senators present, habitable globe, than to be at war with each other. “ Those who voted in the affirmative are: Messrs. Brown, If blood must be shed, let it not be shed by the Clay, Iverson, Johnson of Arkansas, Yulee.

« Those who voted in the negative are: Messrs. Benjapeople of these States, the one contending against | min, Bigler, Bingham, Bragg, Bright, Chandler, Chesnut, the other.

But the Senator went on still further in that dis- little, Fitzpatrick, Foot, Green, Gwin, Hale, Hamlin, Hamcussion. Why it was necessary to follow up his mond, Hemphill, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, attack upon me, I cannot tell. Alluding to the Powell, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Slidell, Ten Eyck, Toombs, Senator from Tennessee, he said:

Trumbull, Wade, Wigfall, Wilson.'' "He took occasion to give an account of the action of the

Thus, forty-three Senators recorded their vote Senate upon certain resolutions introduced here, setting forth the principles that were made the issue in the late during the last session of Congress that it was contest, and that were overridden and trodden down. He not necessary to pass a law to protect slavery in called the attention of the Senate to a proposition intro- the Territories. The Senator from Oregon, in duced by the honorable Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Il connection with other Senators, under the solemn BROWN] to declare that now is the time for action; that a law ought to be passed at this time protecting property in the sanction of an oath, declared that it was not neTerritories. Though it was my opinion then that it would cessary to pass laws for the protection of slavery have been well to pass such a law, yet that Senator knew, in the Territories. What right has South CaroCongress to pass such a law. We might have passed

such | lina lost since the last session? What right has a bill through this body, but it could never have passed the any State lost since the last session of Congress? other. Then it was our duty, as it was nur privilege, to set You declared that it was not necessary to pass a forth the principles on which this Government reposed, and law to protect them in the enjoyment of their which must be maintained, or the Government cannot exist: ! property in the Territories; and now, forsooth, fought, that resulted in the election of Mr. Lincoln,"

in the short space of two or three moons, you

turn around and tell the country that States are Before I take up that proposition in connection justified in going out of the Union because Conhad the Senator avowed the doctrine prior to the gress will not pass a law to protect them in the last presidential election that he avowed here in enjoyment of their property in the Territories,

when you said it was not necessary! That is reply to me, expressing his secession and dis- || what I call driving the nail in.

in. [Laughter.] union sentiments, I give it as my opinion that he will remark, as I go along, that the eloquent and

1 could not have obtained ten thousand votes in the distinguished Senator who made his valedictory State of Tennessee in the last election, and I think here yesterday, on retiring from the Senate, voted I know what I say. I give that, however, simply for that identical resolution. This protection was as my opinion. But to come back to the point at which the Sen- unnecesary. But since that, they have waked up

not necessary then. They said it was wholly ator speaks of the resolutions introduced by the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Davis.) I had if it should not be granted. To this same prop

to a sense of its necessity, and resolved to secede referred to those resolutions to show that there was no occasion for this immediate secession with; || ment. Mark you, this is the 25th day of May,

an out giving the people time to think or understand 1860; and that is not long ago: what was to be done. I thought so then, and I think so now; and I want to show what the Sen- | striking out all after the world resolved, and in lieu

« On motion by Mr. BROWN, to amend the resolution by ator's views were then, and see what has brought thereof, inserting: 5 about such a change upon his mind since. We

I wish I had the whole continent here to hear find that while those resolutions were under con

this paragraph. sideration, Mr. CLINGMAN offered an amendment, to come in after the fourth resolution, to insert the " That experience having already shown that the Con

stitution and the common law, unaided by statutory enactfollowing:

ment, do not afford adequate and, sufficient protection to Resolved, That the existing condition of the Territories slave property; some of the Territories having failed, others





having refused to pass such enactments, it has become the from Oregon, in his reply to me, spoke with great duty of Congress to interpose and pass such laws as will familiarity of the proceedings of that convention afford to slave property in the Territories that protection ratifying the Constitution, as though he underwhich is given to other kinds of property." That is a pretty clear proposition. Upon that, I made a reservation. I will read what he said:

stood it; and with great confidence said it had Mr. BROWN made an argument, showing the number of slaves in the Territories, and the action of “That gallant old State of Virginia, that glorious Old the Legislatures, and concluded that if the time | Dominion, made a condition upon which she adopted the ever would arrive, it was then before Congress, not only Virginia, but New York, made the same condition

Constitution. It became a portion of the compact. And and they should pass a law on the subject. What when she adopted the Constitution; and Rhode Island was the vote upon that? How does it stand? || also.” We find, after an argument being made by Mr. He spoke with great confidence in this reply to BROWN, showing that the necessity did exist, ac- He then said: cording to his argument, the vote upon the prop

“Now, I would ask the honorable Senator froin Tennesosition stood thus: The question being taken by see, if the time has not arrived when these states ought to yeas and nays, it was determined in the negative resume the powers conferred on a Federal Governınent; -yeas 3, nays 42.

or if it has not, I should like to know when the time can Forty-two Senators voted that you did not need protection; that slavery was not in danger.

After declaring under the solemn sanction of an “The yeas and nays being desired by one fifth of the

oath that no protection was needed, and nothing Senators present,

else has since transpired, he wants to know when 6 Those who voted in the affirmative are: Messrs. Brown, the time will come, if it has not come, that they Johnson of Arkansas, Mallory."

will be justified in breaking up this Confederacy? There were only three. Who said it was not I saw a good deal of the confusion that was here necessary? Who declared, under the solemn sanc- that evening; authorities were hunted up, paration of an oath, that protection was not needed?

graphs marked, and leaves turned down; all, I “Those who voted in the negative, äre: 76 Messrs. Ben

suppose, to facilitate the intended attack. Somejamin"-

times a man had a great deal better read and underAh! Yes; BENJAMIN!-

stand a question for himself before he hazards an “Bigter, Bragg, Bright, Chesnut, Clark, Clay, Clingman, 1 opinion." I will not say that that is the case with Foster, Green, Grimes, Gwin, Hamlin, Harlan, Hemphili, the honorable Senator, for I should proceed upon

| HUNTER, of Virginia, also !

that he understood it exactly. It is not a very “Iverson, Johnson of Tennessee, Lane."

uncommon occurrence to be mistaken. Some

times the mistake results from a want of exämAh! [Laughter.] Yes, LANE, of Oregon, voted | ination; sometimes from an incapacity to underon the 25th day of last May, that slavery did not stand the subject, and various other causes. So need protection in the Territories. Now he will it is that it occurs very frequently we labor under get up and tell the American people and the Sen-false impressions. We find when we come to ate that he is for a State seceding, and for break- l examine this subject of the ratification of the Coning up the Government, because they cannot get stitution by Virginia, that a committee was apwhat he swore they did not need. Laughter;} || pointed in the convention of Virginia, and that That is what I call putting the nail through. I that committee reported a set of resolutions. They (Laughter in the galleries.] The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Fitch in 1 reported one resolution in lieu of the preamble.

That resolution is as follows: the chair.) The galleries must preserve order. Mri JOHNSON, of Tennessee. Then, after

- Resolved, That previous to the ratification of the new

Constitution of Governinent recommended by the late Fedvoting that it was not necessary to have a prop- eral convention, a declaration of rights, asserting and securosition to protect slavery in the Territories, the ing from encroachment the great principles of civil and original proposition, as amended, was adopted by religious liberty, and the inalienable rights of the people, a vote of 35 yeas to 2 nays; thus voting

all the of the said Constitution of Government, ought to be referred way through, even to the final action of the Senatė, || by this convention to the other States in the American Conthat no such protection was necessary. You have federacy for their consideration."--Elliot's Debates on the not got protection, your rights, your « equality;"Federal Constitution, vol. 3, p. 653. and you tell me now by your position that I have Here was a proposition making conditions; and done you injustice by defending you against the upon a vote to adopt this amendment it was voted charge that you were in favor of a dissolution of the down-ayes 80, noes 88. Then what follows ? Union! Even if you approved it, it would only The committee reported an ordinance adopting show that I was mistaken. I was deceived then; the Constitution of the United States; but in their that was your fault; if deceived again, the fault ordinance they go on and make a kind of preamwill be mine. I assumed, on that occasion, in refer-ble, or a whereas, a declaration as to their underence to the

act of ratification of the Constitution by standing-not conditions, not reservations--but a the State of Virginia, that so far as I was capable of declaration of their understanding. What do they examining it, Virginia had made no reservation, say: no condition, in her ratification of the Constitution i We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, duly elected of the United States. I had examined the ques-in pursuance of a recommendation from the General Astion; I had looked at all the authorities that could sembly, and now met in convention, having fully and freely

investigated and discussed the proceedings of the Federal be found upon the subject, and I could find no

convention, and being prepared as well as the most mature warrant for the assertion; but still the Senator | deliberations bath enabled us, to decide thereon”

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