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cession."

everything in trust. Sir, the Federal Government fore they are excusable and justifiable in going took the property, and the sovereignty with it, in out of the Confederacy of these States. trust for all the States. The retiring Senator's And then an appeal was made. It was a very speech --whether it was intended or not, I do not affecting scene. Louisiana was gone; and what undertake to say is calculated to make the false was the reason? Great oppression and great impression that some time afterwards, perhaps in wrong. She could not get her rights in the Union, some other treaty remote from that, some money and consequently she has sought them out of it. was paid by the United States to France, out of Whatare the wrongs of Louisiana? What was the the good will that this Government had towards cause for all the sympathy expressed on the one them. And yet, sir, on the same day--the 30th of hand, and the tears shed on the other? Louisiana April, 1803-on which the other treaty was made was presented to the country in a most pathetic and and signed, the following convention between the sympathetic attitude. Her wrongs were without United States of America and the French Republic number; their enormity was almost without estiwas made:

mate; they could scarcely be fathomed by human "The President of the United States of America, and the sympathy. It was not unlike the oration of Mark First Consul of the French Republic, in the name of the Antony over the dead body of Cæsar. Weeping French people, in consequence of the treaty of cession of friends grouped picturesquely in the foreground; Louisiana, which has been signed this day, wishing to reg; | the bloody robe, the ghastly wounds, were conulate definitely everything which has relation to the said

jured to the imagination; and who was there that

did not expect to hear the exclamation: “ If you This, be it observed, was made on the same day, ||have tears, prepare to shed them now?" (Laughand was, perhaps, written out before the other ter.) treaty was signed. And what does the first article

Sir, what are the great wrongs that have been say? It says expressly:

inflicted upon Louisiana?: Prior to 1803, Louis6 ART. 1. 'The Government of the United States engages

iana was transferred from Spain to France, and to pay to the French Government, in the manner specified from France back to Spain-both property and in the following article, the sum of sixty million francs, sovereignty-almost with the same facility as a independent of the sum which shall be fixed by another chattel from one person to another. On the 30th convention for the payment of debts due by France to the citizens of the United States."

of April, 1803, when this treaty was made, what

was the condition of Louisiana? It was then a What becomes of the specious plea that we took | province of the First Consul of France, subject to it simply in trust, and that no consideration was be disposed of at his discretion. The United paid ? Turn over to the American State Papers; States came forward and paid to the First Consul look at Mr. Livingston's letters, upon which these of France 60,000,000f.for the territory. The treaty treaties were prédicated; read his correspondence was made; the territory was transferred; and in with Mr. Madison, who was Secretary of State, 1806, in express compliance with the treaty, as and you will find that France demanded the sum of soon as practicable, according to the terms of the 100,000,000f. independent of what they owed the Federal Constitution, Louisiana was admitted into citizens of the United States; but after long nego- the Union as a State. We bought her; we paid for tiations, the First Consul of the French concluded her; we admitted her into the Union upon terms of to take 60,000,000f.; and the first two articles of equality with the other States. Was there any the treaty which I have read are based upon the oppression, any great wrong, any grievance in 60,000,000f. paid by this Government in consid- | that? eration of the sovereignty and territory, all of In 1815-war having been declared in 1812— which was to be held in trust by the United States | Louisiana was attacked; the city of New Orleans for all the States.

was about to be sacked and laid prostrate in the This was given to us out of the pure good

will | dust; “ beauty and booty” were the watchwords. that Napoleon at that time had towards the Uni- | She was oppressed then, was she not? Kentucky, ted States! Sir, he had great hate for Great Brit-Il your own gallant State, sir, (and, thank God! ain; and by the promptings of that hate he was she is standing erect now,) and Tennessee, (which, disposed to cede this territory to some other as I honestly believe, will ever stand by her side Power. He feared that Great Britain, whose in this struggle for the Constitution and the Union,) Navy was superior to his own, would take it. He in conjunction with the other States, met Packdesired to obtain money to carry on his wars and enham and his myrmidonsupon the plains of New sustain his Government. These considerations, | Orleans, and there dealt out death and desolation and not love or partiality or friendship for the Uni-to her invading foe. What soil did we invade ? ted States, led him to make the cession. Then what || What city did we propose to sack? Whose propbecomes of the Senator's special pleading? From erty did we propose to destroy? Was not Louthe Senator's remarks, it may have been concluded isiana there gallantly, nobly, bravely, and patrithat we got it as a gratuity. But after examining otically defended, by the people of the United the State Papers and the correspondence, and look- States, from the inroads and from the sacking of ing at the tedious and labored negotiation previous a British foe? Is that defense one of her oppresto the making of the treaty, it is clear that at the sions? Is that one of the great wrongs that have time the first treaty was made, on the very same been inflicted upon Louisiana? day, the consideration was fixed; and yet the Sen- What more has been done by this Governators tell us that at some other time a treaty was ment? How much protection has she received made not referring to any amount of money agreed upon her sugar? In order to give that protection, to be paid at this particular time, and that there-!! the poorest man throughout the United States is taxed for every spoonful that he uses to sweeten They are very much alarmed at the power of this his coffee. How many millions, under the oper-Government. Thus, the Government oppresses ation of a protection upon sugar, have been con- them; thus this Government oppresses Louisiana, tributed to the wealth and prosperity of Louis- pertinaciously persisting in allowing those States iana since she has been in this Confederacy? || to take all the guns, all the forts, all the arsenals, all Estimate them. Is this another of her. wrongs ? the dock-yards, all the custom-houses, and all the Is this another of her grievances? Is this another mints. Thus they are so cruelly oppressed. Is of the oppressions that the United States have in- it not a farce? Is it not the greatest outrage and flicted upon. Louisiana ?

the greatest folly that was ever consummated since Sum them all up, and what are the wrongs, man was spoken into existence? But these are what the grievances which justify Louisiana in the grievances of Louisiana. I shall say nothing taking leave of the United States? We have de- || against Louisiana. Tennessee and Kentucky have fended her soil and her citizens; we have paid the given demonstrations most noticeable that when price asked for her by the French Government; she needed friends, when she needed aid, they were she has been protected in the production of her sugar, and in the enjoyment of every right that a But with Louisiana there was another very imsovereign State could ask at the hands of the portant acquisition. We acquired the exclusive Federal Government. And how has she treated and entire control of the navigation of the Missisthe United States? What is her position? Upon sippi river. We find that Louisiana, in her ordiher own volition, without consultation with her nance of secession, makes the negative declaration sister States, without even consulting with Ten-| that she has the control of the navigation of that nessee and Kentucky, who defended her when great stream, by stating that the navigation of the she was in peril, she proposes to secede from the river shall be free to those States that remain on Union. She does more: in violation of the Con-friendly ternis with her, with the proviso that modstitution of the United States, in despite of the erate contributions are to be levied to defray such plighted faith that exists between all the States, l expenses as they may deem expedient from time she takes our arsenals, our forts, our custom- to time. That is the substance of it. Sir, look at house, our mint, with about a million dollars. the facts. All the States, through their Federal Gracious God! to what are we coming? Is it Government, treated for Louisiana. The treaty thus that the Constitution of the United States is was made. All the States, by the contribution of: to be violated ? Forts, arsenals, custom-houses, their money, paid for Louisiana and the navigaand property belonging to all the people of all tion of the Mississippi river. Where, and from the States, have been ruthlessly. seized, and their what source, does Louisiana now derive the power undisturbed possession is the sum total of the or the authority to secede from this Union and set great wrongs that have been inflicted upon Loui- up exclusive control of the navigation of that great siana by the United States !

stream which is owned by all the States, which Mr. President, when I look at the conduct of was paid for by the money of all the States, and some of the States, I am reminded of the fable of upon whose borders the blood of many citizens of King Log and the frogs. They got tired of the the States has been shed? log that lay in their midst, upon which they could This is one of the aggrieved, the oppressed bạsk in the sun, or from which they could dive States !, Mr. President, is it not apparent that to the depth beneath, without interference. And these grievances and oppressions are mere prethese seceding States have got tired of the Fed- tenses? A lærge portion of the South (and that eral Government, which has been so profitable portion of it I am willing to stand by to the very. to 'them, and loathe the blessings which able enjoy. Seemingly, its inability to take care of made upon them by the other States, in reference

they | last extremity) believe that agsasters have been itself créated their opposition to it. It seems, to the institution of slavery. A large portion of the inability of the United States to defend and the South believe that something ought to be done take care of its own property has been an invita-|| in the shape of what has been offered by the distion to them to take possession of it; and, like tinguished Senator from Kentucky, or something the frogs, they seek a substitute for their log: very similar. They think and feel that that ought They prayed to Jupiter, the supreme deity, to to be done. But, sir, there is another portion who send them another king; and he answered their do not care for those propositions to bring about prayer by sending them a stork, who soon de-|| reconciliation, but who, on the contrary, have voured his subject frogs. There are storks, too, been afraid and alarmed that something would be in the seceding States. South Carolina has her done to reconcile and satisfy the public mind, bestork king, and so has Louisiana. In the heavy || fore this diabolical work of secession could be appropriations they are making to maintain armies, consummated. Yes, sir, they have been afraid, and in all their preparations for war, for which and the occasion has been used to justify and to there is no cause they will find they have brought carry into practice a doctrine which will be not

them that will devour them. only the destruction of this Government, but the What do we find, Mr. President, since this destruction of all other governments that may be movement commenced? In about forty-six days, originated, embracing the same principle. Why since the first State went out until the last one dis-not, then, meet it like men? We know there is a appeared--the 26th of January--they have taken portion of the South who are for secession,who are from the United States, this harmless old ruler, six-for breaking up this Government, without regard teen forts and one thousand and ninety-two guns, to slavery or anything else, as I shall show before without any resistance, amounting to $6,513,000. || I have done.

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The Senator from Louisiana, [Mr. BENJAMIN,] || State of California, and in the city of San Franin a speech that he made some days since, took oc- || cisco, that this great Union could not be destroyed. casion to allude to some authority that I had intro- || Those great and intolerable oppressions, of which duced from General Washington, the first Presi- / we have since heard from him, did not seem to be dent who executed the laws of the United States fitting across his vision and playing upon his against armed resistance; and it occurred to him mind with that vividness and clearness which that, by way of giving his argument force, it was were displayed here yesterday. He said, in Calnecessary to remark that I was not a lawyer, and ifornia, that this great Union would go on in its that therefore I had not examined the subject with course, notwithstanding the puny efforts of the that minuteness and with that care and familiarity | silly savages thầt were letting fly their arrows with that I should have done; and hence that I had the prospect of piercing it. What has changed introduced authority which had no application to the Senator's mind on coming from that side of the question under consideration. The proof that the continent to this? What light has broken in he gåve to show that I had not examined the sub- upon him? Has he been struck on his way, like ject carefully, was contained in the very extract Paul, when he was journeying from Tarsus to that I had quoted and which he said declared that Damascus? Has some supernatural power disGeneral Washington had been informed by the closed to him that his State and his people will be marshal that he could not execute the laws; and ruined if they remain in the Union? Where do from the fact of the marshal being incapable to we find the distinguished Senator only at the last execute them, General Washington was called || session? On the 22d of May, last, when he upon to employ the means, under the Constitution made his celebrated reply to the Senator from Illiand the laws, which were necessary to their en- nois, (Mr. Douglas,] the Senator from Louisiforcement. It may have been necessary for the ana, allyding to the contest for the Senate, bedistinguished Senator to inform the Senate and tween Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, said: the country that I was not a lawyer; but it was "In that contest, the two candidates for the Senate of the not necessary to inform anybody that read' his United States, in the State of Illinois, went before their speech and that had the slightest information or people. They agreed to discuss the issues; they put ques

tions to each other for answer; and I must say here sagacity, that he was a lawyer, and that he was

I must be just to all-that I have been surprised in the mäking a lawyer's speech upon the case was him; not an argument upon the great principles of this discussion between Mr. Lincoln arid Mr. Douglas, of the Government. The speech was a complete to find that, on several points, Mr. Lincoln is a fär inoré lawyer's speech, the authorities were summed up than I had supposed him to be. There was no dodging on simply to make out the case on his side; and he his part. Mr. Douglas started with his questions. Here left out all those that would disprove his position. they are, with Mr. Lincoln's answers."

That Senator yesterday seemed to be very seri- The impression evidently made on the public ous in regard to the practical operation of the mind then, before the presidential election, was doctrine of secession. 'I felt sorry myself, some- that Lincoln, the rank Abolitionist now, was more what. I am always reluctant to part with a gen-conservative than Mr. Douglas; and he said furtleman with whom I have been associated, and ther, after reading the questions put by Mr. Linnothing had transpired to disturb between us those coln, and his answers to them: courteous relations which should always exist be

“ It is impossible, Mr. President, however we may differ tween persons associated on this floor. I thought in opinion with the man, not to admire the perfect caridor the scene was pretty well got up, and was acted and frankness with which the answers were given; no out admirably. The plot was executed to the equivocation ; no evasion." very letter. You would have thought that his Since that speech was made, since the Senator people in Louisiana were borne down and seri- has traversed from California to this point, the ously oppressed by remaining in this Union of grievances, the oppressions of Louisiana, have States. Now, I have an extract before me, from become so great that she is justified in going out a speech delivered by that gentleman since the of the Union, taking into her possession the cuselection of Abraham Lincoln, while the distin- | tom-house, the mint, the navigation of the Misguished Senator was on the western slope of the sissippi river, the forts, and arsenals. Where are Rocky Mountains, at the city of San Francisco. we? Oh, consistency, thou art a jewel, much He was called upon to make an address; and I to be admired, but rarely to be found.” will read an extract from it, which I find in the Mr. President, I never do things by halves. I New York Times, the editors of which paper said am against this doctrine entirely. I commenced they had the speech before them; and I have con- | making war upon it-a war for the Constitution sulted a gentleman here who was in California at and the Union-and I intend to sink or swim upon the time,

and he tells me that the report is correct. it. [Applause in the galleries.] In the remarks In that speech-after the Senator had spoken some that I måde on the 19th of December, I discussed time with his accustomed eloquence-he uttered at some length the alleged right of secession. I this language:

repudiated the whole doctrine. I introduced au“ Those who prate of, and strive to dissolve this glorious thorities to show its unsoundness, and made deConfederacy of States, are like those silly savages who let ductions from those authorities which have nöt fly their arrows at the sun in the vain hope of piercing it! | been answered to this day; but by innuendo and And still the sun rolls on, unheeding, in its eternal path- || indirection, without reference to the person who way, shedding light and animation upon all the world."

used the authorities, attempts have been made to Even after Lincoln was elected, the Senator answer the speech. Let those who can, answer from Louisiana is reported to have said, in the ll the speech, answer the authorities, answer the

obedience

conclusions which have been deduced from them. to the party who infringes it. Decency forbids this, and it I was more than gratified, shortly afterwards, when

is as unnecessary as indecent; because the right of comone of the distinguished Senators from Virginia pulsion naturally results to the party injured by the breach. [Mr. HUNTER] delivered a speech upon this floor, dience to the Confederation by which they have bound which it was apparent to all had been studied themselves, the rest have a natural right to compel them to closely; which had been digested thoroughly; which, in the language of another, had been conned The Senator from Virginia says a State has the and set down in a note-book, and got by rote; right to secede from the Union, and that it is a not only the sentences constructed, but the lan-| right resulting from the nature of the compact; guage measured. In the plan which he proposed but Mr. Jefferson said that even under the old as one upon which the Government can be con- Articles of Confederation, no State had a right to tinued and administered, in his judgment, he refuse obedience to the Confederacy, and that brought his mind seemingly, irresistibly, to the there was a right to enforce its compliance: conclusion that this doctrine of secession was a “ Congress would probably exercise long patience before heresy. What does he say in that. able, that they would recur to force; but if the case ultimately re

Should this methodical, that well-digested speech? He goes quired it, they would use that recurrence.

case ever arise, they will probably coerce by a naval force, over the whole ground. He has been reasoning || as being more easy, less dangerous to liberty, and less likely on it; he has been examining the principle of seces- to produce much bloodshed.”--Jefferson's Works, vol. 9, sion; he has gone to the conclusion to which itp. 291. leads; and he is seemingly involuntarily, but irre- When was this? I have stated that it was unsistibly forced to admit that it will not do to ac- der the old Articles of Confederation, when there knowledge this doctrine of secession; for he says: was no power to compel a State even to contrib"I have presented this scheme, Mr. President, as one

ute her proportion of the revenues; but in that which, in my opinion, would adjust the differences between view of the case, Mr. Jefferson said that the inthe two social systems, and which would protect each from jured party had a right to enforce compliance with the assault of the other. If this were done, so that we were made mutually safe, I, for one, would be willing to regu: this was a right deducible from the laws of nature.

the compact from the offending State, and that late the right of secession, which I hold to be a riglit not given in the Constitution, but resulting from the nature of The present Constitution was afterwards formed; the compact. I would provide that before a State seceded, and to avoid this difficulty in raising revenue, the it should summon a convention of the States in the section to which it belonged, and submit to them a statement of United States " to lay and collect taxes, duties,

power was conferred upon the Congress of the in such a convention decide the complaint to be well imposts, and excises," and the Constitution crefounded, then the State ought to be permitted to secede in Vated a direct relation between the citizen and the peace. For, whenever a majority of States in an entire li Federal Government in that matter, and to that section shall declare that good cause for secession exists, then who can dispute that it ought to take place ? Should they say, however, that no good cause existed, then the between the Federal Government and incomplete moral force of such a decision, on the part of confederates as is the relation between the State and the citiof those who are bound to the complaining State by identical and homogeneous interests, would prevent it from

zen in other matters. Hence we find that, by prosecuting the claim any further.”

an amendment to the Constitution of the United Sir, I quoted the Old Dominion extensively be-/ States, the citizen cannot even make a State a fore. I took the foundation of this doctrine and party to å suit, and bring her into the Federal traced it along step by step, and showed that there coercing a State, and the Constitution conferred

courts. They wanted to avoid the difficulty of was no such notion tolerated by the fathers of the

on the Federal Government the power to operate Republic as the right of secession. Now, who directly upon the citizen, instead of operating on comes up to my relief? When the States are seceding, the distinguished Senator from Virginia to enforce obedience from the citizen in those mat

the States. It being the right of the Government says, in so many words, that he admits the error; | ters of which it has jurisdiction, the question and the force of the principle that a State ought comes up as to the exercise of this right. It may not to be permitted to go out of the Confederacy | not always be expedient. It must depend upon without the consent of the remaining members. discretion, as was eloquently said by the Senator He says, however, that the right to secede results from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden] on one occafrom the nature of the compact. Sir, I have read sion. It is a matter of discretion, even as Mr. Mr. Jefferson, and I am as much inclined to rely Jefferson laid it down before this provision exon the former distinguished men of the State of isted in the Constitution, before the Government Virginia as I am on the latter. In the old Articles had power to collect its revenue as it now has. I of Confederation, when the revenue required for know that when, on a former occasion, I undertook the support of the Federal Government was appor- i to show, as I thought I did show, clearly and distioned among the States, and each State had to tinctly, the difference between the existence and raise its portion, the great difficulty was, that there the exercise of this power, words were put into was no means by which the States could be com

my mouth that I did not utter, and positions anpelled to contribute their amount; there was no swered which I had never assumed. It was said means of forcing the State to compliance; and yet that I took the bold ground of coercing a State. I Mr. Jefferson, in view of that very difficulty, said, expressly disclaimed it. I stated, in my speech, in 1786:

that, by the Constitution, we could not puta State “ It has been often said that the decisions of Congress are impotent, because the Confederation provides no come into court; but I said there were certain relations pulsory power. But when two or more nations enter into created by the Constitution between the Federal compact, it is not usual for them to say what shall be done il Government and the citizen, and that we could enforce those laws against the citizen. I took up that before the setting of the sun I may receive the fugitive slave law; I took up the revenue law; news that will convert my present hopes and my I took up the judicial system; I took up the post present exhilarated feelings into despair-she is officesystem; and I might have taken up the power | going to make a stand for the Union and the Conto coin money and to punish counterfeiters, or the Istitution, I delight in calling upon her for authorpower to pass laws to punish mail robbers. 1ity. The doctrine that I am trying to inculcate showed that under these we had power, not to here to-day was the doctrine of Virginia in 1814; punish a State, but to punish individuals as vio- | and I ask my friend from California to read an exlators of the law. Who will deny it; who can tract which I have from the Richmond Enquirer deny it, that acknowledges the existence of the of the 1st of November, 1814. Government? This point, I think, was settled in Mr. LATHAM read, as follows: the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of “THE TRUE QUESTION.-The Union is in danger. Turn Ableman vs. Booth. When the decision of the

to the convention of Hartford, and learn to tremble at the Supreme Court is in our favor, we are very much madness of its authors. How far will those madmen adfor it; but sometimes we are not so well reconciled

vance? Though they may conccal from you the project of

disunion, though a few of them may have even concealed to it when it is against us. In that case the court

it from themselves, yet who will pretend to set bounds to decided:

the rage of disaffection? One false step after another may But, as we have already said, questions of this kind

lead them to resistance to the laws, to a treasonable neumust always depend upon the Constitution and laws of the

trality, to a war against the Government of the United United States, and not of a State. The Constitution was

States. In truth, the first act of resistance to the law is not formed merely to guard the States against danger from

treason to the United States. Are you ready for this state foreign nations, but mainly to secure union and harınony at

of things? Will you support the men who would plunge home; for if this object could be obtained, there would be

you into this ruin? but little danger from abroad; and to accomplish this pur

“Noman, no association of men, no State or set of States pose, it was fclt by the statesmen who framed the Constitu

has a right to withdraw itself from this Union, of its own tion, and by the people who adopted it, that it was neces- || accord. The same power which knit

us together, can only sary that many of the rights of sovereignty which the States

unknit. The same formality which forged the links of the then possessed should be ceded to the General Government; Union, is necessary to dissolve it. The majority of States

which forin the Union must consent to the withdrawal of and that, in the sphere of action assigned to it, it should be suprenie, and strong enough to execute its own laws by its

any one branch of it. Until that consent has been obtained, own tribunals, without interruption from a State or from

any attempt to dissolve the Union, or obstruct the efficacy State authorities. And it was evident that anything short

of its constitutional laws, is treason-treason to all intents

and purposes. of this would be inadequate to the inain objects for which the Government was established; and that local interests,

66 Any other doctrine, such as that which has been lately local passions or prejudices, incited and fostered by indi

held forth by the Federal Republican, that any one State viduals for sinister purposes, would lead to acts of aggres

may withdraw itself from the Union, is an abominable sion and injustice by one State upon the rights of another, beresy --- which strips its author of every possible preten

sion to tlie name or character of a Federalist. which would ultimately terminate in violence and force,

med

“ We call, therefore, upon the Government of the Union with power enough to protect and guard the rights of all,

to exert its energies, when the season shall demand it-and by appropriate laws, to be carried into execution peacefully

seize the first traitor who shall spring out of the hotbed of by its judicial tribunals.”-Howard's Supreme Court Re

the convention of Hartford. This illustrious Union, which ports, vol. 21, p. 516.

has been cemented by the blood of our forefathers, the

pride of America and the wonder of the world, must not When the fugitive slave law was executed in be tamely sacrificed to the heated brains or the aspiring the city of Boston, by the aid of military force,

hearts of a few inalcontents. The Union must be saved, was that understood to be coercing a State, or was

when any one shall dare to assail it.

"Countrymen of the East! we call upon you to keep a it simply understood to be an enforcement of the

vigilant eye upon those wretched men who would plunge law upon those who, it was assumed, had violated us into civil war and irretrievable disgrace. Whatever be it? In this same decision the Supreme Court de- the temporary calamities which may assail us, let us swear, clare that the fugitive slave law, in all its details, upon the altar of our country, to save THE UNION.is constitutional,

and therefore should be enforced. Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. Mr. PresiWho is prepared to say that the decision of the dent, I subscribe most heartily to the sentiment court shall not be carried out? Who is prepared presented by the Richmond Enquirer of Novemto say that the fugitive slave law shall not be en- / ber 1, 1814. Then it was declared by that high forced? Do you coerce a State when you simply authority that the Union was to be saved; that enforce the law? If one man robs the mail and those persons who were putting themselves in opyou seek to arrest him, and he resists, and you | position to the law were traitors, and that their employ force, do you call that coercion? If a man treason should be punished as such. Now, sir, counterfeits your coin, and is arrested and con- what is treason? The Constitution of the United victed, and punishment is resisted, cannot you States defines it, and narrows it down to a very execute the law? It is true that sometimes so many small compass. The Constitution declares that may become infected with disobedience, outrages "treason against the United States shall consist and violations of law may be participated in by so only in levying war against them, or in adhering many, that they get beyond the control of the to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. ordinary operations of law; the disaffection may Who are levying war upon the United States? swell to such proportions as to be too great for the Who are adhering to the enemies of the United Government to control; and then it becomes a States, giving them aid and comfort? Does it rematter of discretion, not a matter of constitutional quire a man to take the lantern of Diogenes, and right.

make a diligent search to find those who have been In this connection, I desire to introduce an au- engaged in levying war against the United States ? thority from Virginia, for I do delight in author- Will

it require any very great research or obserity from the Old Dominion; and from the indica- | vation to discover the adherents of those who are tións that are now visible-although it is possible making war against the United States, and giving

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