A history made its appearance about this time, which, with a considerable degree of intrinsic merit, had the extrinsic advantage of being on a subject analogous to the great matter in dis. pute: Watson's History of Philip II. comprehending the rise, progress, and successful issue of the assertion of liberty by the Low Countries, and shewing in detail, from recent example, what Burke so frequently pressed on the attention of the house-the energy with which men, even before not accustomed to war, fight in vindication of what either are or they think their rights.

The Annual Register has been generally ascribed to Burke; but from internal evidence I should apprehend, that although it might be directed by him, he did not take a great share in the composition.

Although Burke was not successful in his great object, the prevention of the American war, he exerted his powers to endeavour to lessen its expensiveness. His details on this subject were very correct, and very important, giving a most exact account of what might have been spent, and what was spent; shewing, that the Minister gave contracts, to answer parliamentary purposes, on terms much worse for Government than some would have offered. Onthe subject of expence, as on every other, he was the oracle that was consulted by his party. There might be among the Opposition several

men equal to him in some things, but none in all. In close logical deduction he was, no doubt, equalled by Camden, in precision by Dunning, in foreign information by Shelburne, in animated eloquence by Chatham, in strength of reasoning, he, or no man, exceeded Charles Fox: but, on the whole, no man of Opposition, in either house, equalled, or nearly equalled, Edmund Burke; and if we were even to take the two ablest men away from the Opposition during the American war; if Burke and Fox had been neutral, the balance of talents would still have been in favour of the Whig party. In the upper house there were three men of very great talents on the one side, and one on the other. Camden had no equal among the friends of Ministry except Mansfield, whom it is evident he fully matched in logical reasoning, although he fell short of him in graceful oratory, in fascinating and persuasive eloquence; and certainly surpassed him in the knowledge of the constitution. Chatham and Shelburne had no equals, except the same great law lord; nor were there any of the ministerial members of the House of Commons, whom any one, that knew the history and characters of the times, would think of placing on a footing with Chatham and Camden. But when to such men we add Burke and Fox, where were their equals to be found?

Although Burke adhered closely to a party, he by no means went every length with its most

violent members. Mr. Wilkes made a motion for a reform in parliament, which Burke did not think seasonable in time of war. Lord North treated the subject in too ridiculous a manner.

Burke proposed this session a very humane bill," to prevent the inhuman custom of plundering ships wrecked on the coast of Great Britain, and for the farther relief of ships in distress on the said coast." At first Ministry did not seem averse to it, but at last it was thrown out by a considerable majority.

Although the American war had been demonstrated by the ablest reasoners, both in and out of parliament, to be unjust and inexpedient; and although its effects were severely felt by the manufacturing and trading towns, in many parts of the country it was extremely popular. No pains were spared by Ministers to make it pass for a war to maintain the just rights, and the most momentous interests of Britain. It was inculcated by the court, that if we should succeed in coercing America, we should receive so great a revenue from that country, as to make an important diminution of taxes. The belief, that the coercion of the colonies tended to lessen the burthens at home, made numbers well affected to the war. The grandees connected with the court contributed their efforts to spread this spirit. Many of the inferior gentry took it for granted, especially in those parts in which the remains of feu

dal notions gave more than the constitutional weight to the nobility, adopted the opinions which they found embraced by Lords and Dukes, and concurred in stigmatizing as rebels every one who opposed the plans of Administration. A considerable part of the trading inte. rest saw the prospect of contracts and other profits of war. The pulpits, too often the vehicles of popular delusion, mindless of the meek and peaceful doctrines, precepts, and examples of him whom they professed to obey and follow, thundered out imprecations of vengeance against the defenders of their liberties. If any of the number, instead of calling upon God to hurl down destruction, instead of beseeching in finite Goodness to become the agent of malignity, in the true spirit of morality, piety, and Christianity, prayed for peace between the mother country and her colonies, "to turn the hearts of the parents to the children, and thẻ children to the parents," he was sure to be reviled as a rebel. The BEST INFORMED AND ABLEST men, however, in all parts of the country (ex. cept those by possession or expectation linked with the court or courtiers) reprobated the war with America. But if the informed and the able could reason, the ignorant and the weak could rail. Those who could not refute the arguments of a Chatham, a Fox, and a Burke, were at no loss for opprobrious names. They styled the supporters of liberty, and the enemies

of war, Yankees, Republicans, Cromwellians, and Levellers. Burke was peculiarly obnoxious, because he had been (of very able men) the longest, most constant, and persevering opposer of American taxation and coercion.

The common talk among courtiers and their dependents in town, the nobility and their retainers in the country, was, that the Americans were rebels, and that the rebellion was owing to Opposition leaders. Burke was not moved, by the attacks of servility and selfishness, from the road of patriotism; nor, by the frivolous defamation of ignorance and folly, from the measures of wisdom; measures unhappily not adopted by his country.

His enlarged mind did not enter into all the narrow views even of his own party. When Mr.Thomas Townshend, a zealous Whig, expressed his disapprobation of pensions given to Tory writers, and among others even that of Johnson, Burke defended the propriety of that pension as a tribute to merit of the highest kind, not a purchase of mean service.

Burke was also very liberal in his encomiums on Lord North's general abilities and disposi. tions, however he disliked his political measures He used to say he possessed one of the best heads and one of the best hearts in the: world; he thought that, in point of sterling wit, he excelled all men. This regard was re. ciprocal; there was no man whom Lord North