1. The principles and prejudices which opposed the Revolution.

The whole of the inhabitants, with very few exceptions, who were opposed to the Revolution and the establishment of the independency of the United States, and who remained or have been re-admitted as citizens, are here to be noticed as on one side of the party division. To which may be added the greater part of those who reluctantly yielded a passive submission to the general will and public measures in the time of the revolution, to avoid the consequences of opposition, but carefully avoided rendering any services, either in person or by their property, as far as they decently could. It may be just, however, respecting the persons included under this head to say that, since the treaty of peace with Great Britain, by which the independency of the United States was explicitly acknowledged, they have yielded obedience to the laws and shewn a disposition to support them in common with other citizens. But it may be remarked at the same time that in their ideas of government the principles of monarchy are still predominant; and they have generally manifested a desire to have our government assimilated in form and practice, as nearly as may be, to that of Great Britain.

2. The accession of Emigrants from other Countries.

The early part of the disturbances now existing in Europe occasioned many persons to change their places of residence. The fame of our rising empire as a peaceful asylum, and as affording rich sources of speculation in lands and commercial pursuits, drew the attention of some of them to this country. Their wealth, and the information they were supposed to possess, were esteemed by some and especially by those described under the preceding head, as valuable acquisitions. They were generally attached to governments of whch monarchy was a prominent feature, and were cherished accordingly by those of similar sentiments. To these may be added a vastly greater number of the subjects of Great Britain, in

vited hither by prospects of commercial and speculative advantages; some with views of becoming permanent settlers and citizens, others to make experiments on which they might form future determinations, and a class still more numerous, as agents to enliven the chain of commercial connections already established between the two countries, and to form new ones as occasion might offer. A considerable number became naturalized citizens, and attached themselves to this country for life; others may probably do the same, but a great number obtain their transitory views as British subjects and carry on trade with British capitals and on British account, intending hereafter to return with their acquisitions. The posterity of some [of] these may become attached to this as their native country; but it is probable that those who are natives of Britain will not generally so far relinquish the prejudices imbibed in early education and strengthened by habit, as to bestow on this country a preferable attachment, tho' the wealth they possess may have been chiefly acquired in it. With the aid of these auxiliaries, who have pretty uniformly been found on the side approaching nearest to the principles of monarchy in all political questions, the party choosing to be distinguished by the name of Federalists have acquired a degree of strength and influence which has enabled them to give the tone and fashion to political opinions and conversations in most places of public resort and convivial meeting.

Thus far the auxiliaries mentioned have been generally, if not wholly, an addition to the power of the Federalists. It may be proper, however, to mention that there have been also emigrants from other countries who have taken part with the republicans. Those of them who have been accustomed to mechanical and laborious employments have generally done so, as well as some few in the more fashionable grades of society; but these excepted the number has been comparatively small. Some of them however, have by their conduct manifested more zeal than prudence, and have been rendered more conspicuous and important than they would other

wise have been, by the notice and remarks of their opponents. These, or at least some of them, have perhaps done more injury than service to the republican interest, by intemperate and incautious manifestations of their zeal, which has probably had an influence in turning a number of voters from the republican to the federal party, in the manner which will be suggested under the next head.

3. The desire of being esteemed fashionable in genteel society, and the hope of preferment by the favourable notice of men in power.

A considerable proportion of the people in all countries, even of those of respectable connections, appearances and standing, do not take the pains to investigate political subjects with sufficient attention and accuracy to form independent opinions with satisfactory correctness. They are apt to take it for granted that men in high offices must have obtained them by superior talents and fitness for their stations; that they must therefore be the most proper judges of the measures to be taken for the public welfare, and that any measures which they devise or approve ought to be adopted without scrutinous question, because question leads to debate and perhaps opposition, which may obstruct the wheels of government. Strange as an implicit belief in these ideas may appear to men of study and more thorough information, and however illy adapted to a free republic, they are so plausible as to find a sufficient number of advocates to make them fashionable; and the influence of fashion is too generally known to need description, especially when it is considered through what channels, on what motives and by what means such favours as the supreme executive generally has the power of bestowing, are usually distributed; and how great a proportion of the people of this country, now in the meridian of life and acting on the stage of politics have acquired the age of manhood since the Revolution and of course can have very little experimental knowledge of the trials, the feelings and the governing motives of that eventful era A farther remark under this head may not be inapplicable.

You will generally find that whenever a person takes part on either side of a contest, his passions, however dormant they were before, become agitated by opposition and strengthen and confirm his prejudices; his reasoning faculties become subservient to those prejudices and his judgment is in a great measure guided by the spirit of the party he is connected with. You will find this remark generally justified by observation on parties in a trivial contest, as well as in those of a more serious and important kind; as visible perhaps at a horse-race or a cock-match as at the election of a Representative or a principal magistrate.

LETTER VI.

Having in my last stated to you some of the auxiliary causes which have had a tendency to widen the breach between the parties and to inflame their passions and increase their prejudices against each other, I shall proceed to mention more of those causes as being worthy of consideration.

4. The unhappy, misunderstandings which have taken place between this country and France.

Without going into a minute enquiry concerning the origin and progress of these misunderstandings, it is admitted by moderate men of both our parties that there has been error on both sides, but that the greatest portion of it has been on the side of France. Many of their demands have been unreasonable and unjust in themselves, and urged in an unreasonable manner; and their national conduct towards us has been not only unfriendly but unjustly and injuriously hostile to a degree that demanded pointed expressions of resentment. But in the mode of expressing that resentment, and the circumstances preparatory to and accompanying some of the measures for the purpose, the parties have disagreed in opinion. The republicans did not generally suppose it was necessary, nor consistent with our national character and existing circumstances, to endeavour

to widen the breach between the two countries and inflame their resentment against each other, by other circumstances in the affairs and conduct of France than such as related to the matters in controversy between them and us; and especially by inflammatory speeches and publications respecting such other matters and circumstances in the conduct of France, as they may have deemed necessary to the success of the revolution, which the people of this country had from sympathy and other causes been or professed to be, generally desirous of seeing established. How far we have exceeded the bounds of propriety in this respect, and from what motives it has been made fashionable to do so, those who have laboured in the business and those whose opinions and conduct have been influenced by it, would do well to consider. On one side it has been supposed to be carried to a degree of excess and extravagance dangerous to the commonwealth and injurious to our national character, and it has consequently been a matter of acrimonious controversy between our contending parties, especially between the less moderate of them.

5. The abuse of the freedom of the press.

Amongst the causes which have, in a high degree, been instrumental in raising and disseminating the prevailing acrimony of party spirit, may be reckoned that highly-cherished guardian of liberty, the freedom of the press. The abuse of this instrument needs no farther evidence to prove it than the daily emanations from the presses in almost every town in the United States. But the abuse of a thing does not afford a fair argument against the proper use of it. Where to fix the blame of this abuse I do not pretend to determine. Neither of the parties seem to be sufficiently free from it to fix it exclusively on the other; and the votaries of each pretend to justify themselves on the principles of self defence. The public taste in this respect is unquestionably viciated by passions and prejudices. Printers and Editors are but men, subject to like