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in a great cage. The guests, two and two, were in a fledge, drawn by all kinds of beafts, as raindeer, dogs, oxen, goats, hogs, &c. Some were mounted on camels. After the procesfion had gone the round prescribed to it, it was brought into the duke of Courland's riding-house, where a flooring of planks had been laid for the purpose, and where there was a dinner prepared for them on several tables. Each was treated according to the manner of cookery in his own country. After the repast, there was a ball: each nation had its own music, and its own way of dancing. When the ball was over, the bridegroom and bride were conducted into the house of ice, where they were put into a difmally cold bed, with guards posted at the door, that they might not get out before morning.'

Among many other interefting incidents, thefe Memoirs contain a more circumftantial account of the revolution accomplished by the princess Elizabeth, than we believe is to be met with in any other writers. But we fhall conclude our review of this work with an extract, from the author, on the character of the Ruffian nation.

• Some writers have advanced, that before the reign of Peter I. the Ruffians, collectively and separately confidered, were all perfectly ftupid and mere brutes; but this is entirely falfe, as the contrary may be easily proved.

Those who have formed to themselves this idea, need but read the Ruffian hiftory of the feventeenth century; in the course of which, the ambition of Godunow, and the cabals of the Poles, had divided the nation into feveral factions, in a manner that brought it to the brink of ruin. The Swedes

were masters of Novogorod, and the Poles of the capital, Mofcow itself. Yet, notwithstanding fuch great difafters, the Ruffians at length prevailed fo far, by the dexterity of their management, as to recover themselves from the yoke impofed on them by two fuch powerful enemies as Sweden and Poland at that time were. In less than fifty years they reconquered all the provinces which had been taken from them in the time of their domestic troubles; and this they effected without any foreign minifter or general to conduct their affairs. A just reflexion on these events, will readily suggest the justice of owning, that undertakings of fuch importance could not be or projected or executed by ftupid people.

• The Ruffians, in general, do not want wit or natural good fenfe. The concern and attention of Peter I. for the civilization of his country never extended to the citizens and peasants; yet, on any one's having the curiofity to talk to those of this condition, he will find, that in general they have all the needful common fenfe and judgment; that is to fay, in those things

that

public of letters, therefore, is indebted to Mr. Guthrie, for introducing to its more particular obfervation an author, who fo fully relates the memorable atchievements in that struggling period of the Scottish hiftory; and it is still farther indebted to the industry exhibited in his researches, for an authentic copy of the charter of Renunciation, granted by Edward III. to Robert I. of Scotland. This is a record of the utmost importance to hiftory, as the tenor of it had not only been grofly misreprefented, but even the existence of it queftioned by feveral prejudiced writers. The copy here produced is an original duplicate, which had been depofited among the archives in the metropolitan church of Glasgow, from whence it was removed by archbishop James Beaton, to avoid the fury of the reformers, and depofited in the Scotch college at Paris, where it ftill remains, together with an exemplification of the letters patent, granted to the lord Henry Piercy, and William de la Zouch, to swear to the obfervance of them in Edward's name. This authentic charter is as follows.

"To all the faithful in Chrift, Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aqui

tain.

"Whereas ourfelves, and fome of our predeceffors, kings of England, have endeavoured to obtain the rights of the dominion, and fuperiority of the kingdom of Scotland; and have thereby occafioned moft grievous, dangerous, and long wars between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland: We therefore, confidering the flaughters, butcheries, crimes, ruin of churches, and innumerable mifchiefs thofe wars have brought upon the inhabitants of both kingdoms, as alfo the good and mutual advantages that must needs accrue to both kingdoms, when faftened together by the folidity of a perpetual peace, and thereby more firmly fecured, both within and without, against all rebels and rebellious defigns; by the com mon counfel, affent, and confent of the prelates, earls, barons, and commons of our kingdom, affembled in parliament, will and grant, for ourfelves, our heirs, and fucceffors, That the kingdom of Scotland, according to its true marches, as they were understood and settled in the time of the late Alexander king of Scotland, (of worthy memory) remain for ever to the most magnificent prince Robert, by the grace of God, king of the Scots, our illuftrious ally, and moft dear friend, his heirs and fucceffors, divided from the kingdom of England, fo as that it may remain entire, free, and quiet, without any fubje&tion, fervitude, claim, or demand whatever and whatever right we or our predeceffors did, in part times, afk or pretend to in the kingdom of Scotland, we hereby renounce

and

the author has thrown in occafionally, when witneffes were interrogated, when the adverfary made fome reply, when any tumult arose, or the audience broke out into acclamations. There are also many allufions in the courfe of his orations, which at this diftance of time, for want of hiftorical data, it is hardly poffible for any one to understand. Under these circumstances it cannot be imagined, that a modern reader should fully perceive the fpeaker's force of reafoning, the pertinence of his remarks, and thofe admirable ftrokes of oratory for which he has been applauded by Dionyfies of Halicarnaffus, Cicero, Longinus and others, by whom, it is probable, they were better understood.

Dr. Leland, whofe tranflation we have now before us, feems to have executed his work with great accuracy, and a fpirit nearly approaching to that of the original. He appears to be well acquainted with the hiftory of Greece about the time of Demofthenes, and has evidently thrown a light on many paffages which had been left in obfcurity by Ulpian, Wolfius, and every other commentator.

In this volume we have only two orations, that of Æschines against Ctesiphon, and the reply of Demofthenes. The tranflator, in his introduction, gives the following account of the caufe of this famous conteft.

It was ufual with the Athenians, and, indeed, with all the Greeks, when they would exprefs their fenfe of extraordinary merit, to CROWN the perfon fo diftinguished with a chaplet of olive interwoven with gold. The ceremony was performed in fome populous affembly, convened either for bufinefs or entertainment; and proclamation made, in due form, of the honour thus conferred, and the fervices for which it was bestowed.

• To procure fuch an honour for Demofthenes, at this particular juncture, was thought the most effectual means to confound the clamour of his enemies. He had lately been intrufted with the repair of the fortifications of Athens, in which he expended a confiderable fum of his own, over and above the public appointment, and thus enlarged the work beyond the letter of his inftructions. It was therefore agreed, that CTESIPHON, one of his zealous friends, fhould take this occafion of moving the fenate to prepare a DECREE (to be ratified by the popular affembly) reciting this particular fervice of Demofthenes, reprefenting him as a citizen of diftinguished merit, and ordaining that a GOLDEN CROWN (as it was called) should be conferred upon him. To give this tranfaction the greater folemnity, it was moved that the ceremony fhould be performed in the theatre of Bacchus, during the festival held in

honour

annual election ends, there flavery begins.' This is his motto, and the maxim which he repeatedly inculcates.

We owe the moft generous and comprehenfive plan of freedom that human nature could devife, to our forefathers the Saxons, who introduced it into Britain about 450 years after Chrift. It is instructive (because it mortifies human pride) to reflect that this excellent form of government was established in our island above 1300 years ago, by a people whom the ancient Greeks and Romans would have ftiled barbarous, and to whom we often, perhaps, rafhly apply that epithet; though, according to our ingenuous author, we are indebted to them for all that is beneficial to fociety in our prefent civil and political system; for all that has been the envy of our neighbours, and the admiration of ages. The alterations which their policy has undergone, and the additions which have been made to it, he is so far from allowing to be improvements, that he deems them oppreffive and tyrannical.

However highly we may prize the English conftitution, it is, in fome measure, always at war with itself: it is actuated by two jarring principles. In the times of the Saxons it was calculated to make every member of the community equally free and happy. William of Normandy gave it a very different form, and modelled it for defpotifm. It yet retains the generous spirit of the old Saxon, and, in our author's opinion. the ferocity of the Norman tyrant. To this political diffonance, fo apt to perplex and confound the theory of the statesman, we may partly ascribe the remarkable revolutions which have happened in our government; and to the fame caufe, this gentleman attributes the many disputes which yet arife in England, concerning the rights of the people, and the power of the

crown.

We shall now epitomize his account of our form of govern ment under the Saxon heptarchy, when England was divided into seven fovereignties; and of their union into one kingdom under Alfred the Great.

Seven tribes of Saxons arrived in Britain about the fame time, under as many leaders. But as they all intended to establish the fame form of government, their political inftitutions are to be confidered indifcriminately.

As they conquered the country, they divided it into small parts; each of those parts they called a tithing. In every tithing they established a government, which was no doubt the fame as that under which they had lived in their mother-country; and the fame which is ufed in our corporations at this day. They had two forts of tithings; one called a town tithing, and the other a rural-tithing; the one is expreffive of a

town

It was the first care of Alexander, on his acceffion to the throne, to undeceive thofe among the Greeks, who, like Demofthenes, had affected to defpife his youth. He instantly marched into Peloponnefus, and demanded the people of that country to accept him as commander of their forces against Perfia. The Spartans alone fullenly refused. The Athenians, on their part, were intimidated, and yielded to his demand with greater expreffions of reverence and fubmiffion than they had ever paid to his father. He returned to Macedon to haften his preparations, where he found it neceffary to march against his barbarous neighbours, who were meditating a descent upon his kingdom. His conflicts with these people occafioned a report to be spread through Greece, that the young king had fallen in battle. The Macedonian faction were alarmed: their oppofers induftriously propagated the report, and excited the Greeks to feize this opportunity to rife up against a power which had reduced them to a state of ignominious fubjection. The Thebans unhappily yielded to fuch inftances, took arms, and flaughtered the Macedonian garrison that had been stationed in their citadel.

But this infolence and cruelty did not long remain unpunished. Alexander fuddenly appeared before their gates, at the head of his army, and in a few days became master of their city; where he executed his vengeance with fire and the fword. The miferable ftate of defolation and captivity, to which the Thebans were thus reduced, is afcribed in the following oration to the pernicious counfels and machinations of Demofthenes, and displayed in the most lively and pathetic

terms.

Nor did this extraordinary inftance of rigour fail of its intended effect. The Greeks were aftonished and confounded. The Athenians thought it expedient to fend a deputation of their citizens, to congratulate the king of Macedon on his late fucceffes. Demofthenes was one of the perfons chofen to execute this commiffion; but, confcious of the resentment which his well-known zeal against the Macedonian interest must have merited from Alexander, he deferts the other deputies while they were on their journey, and returned precipitately to Athens. Nor, indeed, were his apprehenfions groundless; for, although the address was graciously received, yet the king took this occafion of complaining, in a manner which marked his fuperiority, of those factious leaders among the Athenians, to whom he affected to impute all the calamities of Greece, from the battle of Chærenea to the deftruction of Thebes. He demanded that feveral of the public fpeakers, and Demofthenes among the reft, fhould be deli

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