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English naval fights. As I observed before, one can see from the preface to your book, that it is going to contain a string of miserable apologies. Your whole book contains 528 pages of your own writing, 100 pages of which are occupied with preparing the reader for the defeats which are to follow. What, employ a hundred pages in order to show that the English ships could not be expected to be a match for the American ships! The sight of these hundred pages is quite enough for any moderate man. However, my readers shall have a little specimen of your preparatory motions. They shall see your ingenious string of reasons why the American frigate Constitution ought to beat and capture the Guerriere!

What would, at any former time, have been said of such an attempt? An attempt to prove that an English ship ought to be beaten by an American frigate. However, let us first quote the passage, and remark upon it afterwards. It is the beginning of a Chapter. You plead as if it were for your life. Had you been the Captain of the Guerriere you yourself could not have pleaded with more zeal. I am sure that the reader will say that this extract itself ought to have saved your back from the wrath of Sir John Phillimore.

"From the battle of Trafalgar to the peace of 1815, [you begin far off, indeed!] three-fourths of the British navy, at sea, were constantly employed in blockading the fleets of their enemies. Of the remainder, such as escaped the dull business of convoying, cruised about; but the only hostile ships that, in general, crossed their tracks, were disguised neutrals from whom no hard knocks could be expected. Once a year or so, the capture of a French frigate by a British one gave a momentary fillip to the service.

"A succession of insipid cruises necessari ly begat, among both officers and men, habits of inattention. The situation of gunner on board our ships became almost a sinecure. A twenty years' war of itself, was sufficient to wear out the strength of our seamen; but a laxity of discipline, in all the essentials of a man of war's man, produced a much more

sensible effect.

"Instead of the sturdy occupation of handling the ships' guns, now seldom used but on salutes, the men were taught to polish the traversing-bars, elevating screws, copper on the bits, &c. by way of ornament to the quarter-deck. Such of the crew as escaped this menial office, (from the unnecessary wear it occasions, lately forbidden by an order from the Board of Admiralty) were set to recfing and unreefing the topsails, against time, preparatory to a match with any other of His Majesty's ships that might happen to fall in company.

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Many were the noble exceptions to this, and many were the commanders, who, despising what was either finical or useless, and still hoping to signalize themselves by some gallant exploit, spared no pains, consistent with their limited means and the restraints of the service, to have their ships,at all times,as men of war should be,in boxing trim. "As Napoleon extended his sway over the European continent, the British navy, that perpetual blight upon bis hopes, required to be extended also. British oak and British seamen, alike scarce, contract-ships were

hastily built up with soft wood and light frames; and then, manned with an impressed crew, chiefly of raw hands and small boys, sent forth to assert the rights, and maintain the character, of Britons, upon the ocean. In June, 1812, when the war with America commenced, the British navy consisted of 746 ships in commission. Had these have been cleared of all the foreigners and ineffective hands, how many ships would the remainder have properly manned ?

"To the long duration of war, and the rapid increase of the navy, may be added a third cause of the scarcity of seamen; the enormous increase of the army. In Deceinber, 1812, we had, in regulars alone, 229,149 men. How many frigates could have been manned, and well manned, too, by draughts from the light dragoons and the light infantry regiments? Nor is there a question---so inviting were the bounties---that prime seamen would have enlisted in both.

"The crews of our ships experienced a fourth reduction iu strength by the establishment, about six years ago, of the battalionmarines; a corps embodied for the purpose of acting on shore in conjunction with the seamen and marines of the ships. The battalion-marines, about 2000 in number, consisted of the pick of the Royal marines, which, accordingly, became reduced to weak, undersized men, and very young recruits. Marines ought to be among the stoutest men in the ship, because until engaged in close action, their station is at the guns, where great physical strength is required. Except on a few occasions in Canada and the Chesapeake, the battalion marines, altho' as fine a body of men as any in the two services, have remained comparatively idle.

"The canker worm that, in the shape of neglect, had so long been preying upon the vitals of the British navy, could not exist among the few ships composing the navy of the United States. America's half a dozen frigates claimed the whole of her attention. These she had constructed upon the most improved principles, both for sailing and for battery should have, for one object, the war. Considering that the ramparts of a shelter of the men stationed at it, she had built up the sides of her ships in the most compact manner; and the utmost ingenuity had been exerted, and expense bestowed, in their final equipment.

"With respect to seamen, America had, for many years previous to the war, been decoying the men from our ships by every artful stratagem. The best of these were rated as petty officers. Many British sea

men had entered on board American merchant vessels; and the numerous non-intercourse and embargo bills, in existence at different periods during the four years preceding the employment. So that the U. S. ships of war, war, threw many merchant sailors out of in their preparations for active warfare, had to pick their compliments from a numerous body of seamen.

istration of the United States, the men were "Highly to the credit of the naval admintaught the practical rules of gunnery; and ten shot, with the necessary powder, were allowed to be expended in play, to make one hit in earnest.

"Very distinct from the American seamen, so called, are the American marines.

They are chiefly made up of natives of the country; and a deserter from the British would be here no acquisition. In the United States, every man may hunt or shoot among the wild animals of the forest. The young peasant or back-woodsman carries a a rifled-barrel gun the moment he can lift one to his shoulder, and woe to the duck or deer that attempts to pass him within fair range of piece. To collect these expert marksmen, when of a proper age, officers are sent into the western parts of the Union; and to embody and finish drilling them, a marine barrack is established near the city of Washington, from which depot the ships are regularly supplied.

"No one act of the little navy of the United States had been at all calculated to gain the respect of the British. First was seen the Chesapeake allowing herself to be beaten with impunity by a British ship, only nominally superior to her. Then the huge frigate President attacks, and fights for nearly three quarters of an hour, the British sloop Little Belt. And, even since the war, the same President at the head of a squadron, makes a bungling business of chasing the Belvidere.

"While, therefore, a feeling towards America, bordering on contempt, had unhappily possessed the mind of the British naval officer, rendering him more than usually careless and opinionative, the American naval officer, having been taught to regard his new foe with a portion of dread, sailed forth to meet him with the whole of his energies roused. A moment's reflection assured him that his country's honour was now in his hands; and what, in the breast of man could be a stronger incitement to extraordinary exertions?

"Thus situated were the navies of the two countries, when H. M. ship Guerriere, with damaged masts, a reduced compliment, and in absolute need of that thorough refit, for which she was then, after a very long cruise, speeding to Halifax, encountered the U. S. ship Constitution, seventeen days only from port, manned with a full compliment, and in all respects fitted for war."

Bravo! and yet cruel Blue and Buff gives you the bastinado! Was ever such a story as this told before! The Americans had decoyed our seamen away; they had got backwoodsmen put up into their tops; the cankerworm of neglect had been preying upon our poor navy; British oak had become scarce; ours were contract ships; they had been built in haste; with soft wood and light frames. We had seven hundred and fortysix ships in commission, but manned chiefly with impressed meu, raw hands and small boys, a great number of both of whom were foreigners! Shocking state of things! the long war had made us forget how to fight; our officers as well as men had contracted the habit of inattention. We had lost our skill, our discipline, our strength of body, and our every thing that was good. According to you, Mr. James, "Coriona, pride of Drury Lane, for whom no shepherd sighs in vain," was not in a worse plight when she waked in the morning:

"A pigeon pick'd her issue peas,

"And flock her tresses fill'd with fleas."

I will quote no further; but this strolling strumpet does not, according the poet's ac

count, appear to have been in a more miserable, destitute, forlorn, disordered, rascally, and rotten state, than that which you give us as the state of the British Navy. But, impudent liar; foul toad-eater; why did you forget to state, that this rascally, rotten thing, cost, at the very time you speak of, upwards of twenty millions a year! Verily, as historian worthy of Blue and Buff!

Then, from this poor old rotten thing; this worn-out, this battered, this dejected thing, you turn our attention to the half dozen nice American frigates, "constructed upon the most approved principles both for sailing and for war!" These were, surely, not those half dozen of fir frigates with bits of striped bunting flying at their mast-heads," of which Mr. CANNING talked in that very year, 1812!

We had seven hundred and forty-six ships in commission; but what were these to the six frigates of the Americans! Constructed as they were upon the most approved principles! Bless us! Six dreadful frigates! We had seven hundred and forty more than they to be sure. But, then, we had no backwoodsmen to place in the round tops. Oh! backwoodsmen are the devil! and the worst of it is, that we shall never be able to get any backwoodsmen; so that, as far as this goes, we are sure to be beaten.

Such was your preface to the defeat of the Guerriere. As to the defeat itself; it produced a still more melancholy description. The Guerriere's powder was damp; her mainmast had been struck by lightning some months previous to the action; she sailed very much by the head; but, the great thing of all appears to have been, that “HER BREECHINGS WERE ROTTEN," and she had no ropes left to repair her breechings! Shocking state to fight in! The strings of the waistband broken, and no tape to make new ones with! Look, then, compassionate reader, look at the poor GUERRIERE, with her breeches about her heels, and the CONSTITUTION laying on upon her hip and thigh!

It is impossible to be serious upon such a subject. Such pitiful, such miserable excuses never were offered before.

Amongst these excuses, there is, however, one worthy of particular notice. You say, or rather you ask: "Were it possible that the Constitution ship's company could have been inspected by the officers of the British navy, how many, besides the commissioned officers, and the riflemen, who would have proved to be native Americans?" You mean to insinuate that a large part of the crew were British seamen; but, Mr. James, suppose this to have been the case, yours were all British seamen; and what then is the conclusion? Why, that the victory was gained in consequence of the Constitution having American officers. You insinuate a falsehood, Mr. James; but, if it were a truth, it would only bring additional dishonour upon Blue and Buff. This, therefore, is a very bad excuse; not quite so ridiculous, but certainly much more suspicious, than the breaking loose of the guns, owing to the rottenness of the breechings.

I must notice here a circumstance well worthy of the reader's attention. It discorers to us a species of meanness which I be lieve to be without parallel previous to thir disgracefui war. Captain Dacres, while a

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prisoner at Boston, said in his official letter to
Admiral Sawyer, "I feel it my duty to
state, that the conduct of Captain Hull and
his officers to our men, has been that of a
brave enemy, the greatest care being taken
to prevent our men from losing the smallest
trifle, and the greatest attention being paid
to the wounded." This is what Captain Da-
cres said at Boston. When, however, he
came before the court-martial at Halifax, he
accused these same American officers of
breach of promise; and you, Mr. James, are
pleased to add, that the English sailors were
robbed by the Americans of the contents of
their bags! You produce no proof of this;
it is your bare assertion; and, I dare say,
that one more false never was made.

The like of this meanness, however, hap-
pened in several instances. While prisoners
with the Americans, great gratitude was fre-
quently expressed for the kind and generous
treatment which those prisoners received;
but, at subsequent periods, these acknow-
ledgments were retracted; and, in most ca-
ses, with very ungrateful accusations. And,
here, (having omitted it before,) let me say
a word or two on the manner of conducting
the war. You decline to do this; and well
you may; for the contrast is not such as
would have suited your purpose.

When the war broke out, we had on board of our ships a great number of Americans, whom we had pressed in the manner in which James Tompkins and his three brave associates were impressed. We had, by the usual well-known means, compelled the We have recently poor fellows to serve us. seen an instance, in which it was sworn that one of them had a pistol placed to his temple, to compel him to fight against his own countrymen. But what did we do with them generally? Why, WE MADE THEM PRISONERS OF WAR! Answer that, Mr. James. We took them off the decks of our own ships, where many of them had been compelled to serve ns for years, where many of them had been wounded several times; we took them from those decks and SHUT THEM UP IN OUR PRISONS, and kept them there to be exchanged against our people that the Americans might take in war. The world never saw the like of this before. I, who am an Englishman, despise and detest an American who pretends that he can forgive this; and, were American, I would destroy such a wretch as soon as I would destroy a toad or an adder. It is a thing that never will be forgotten or forgiven. The Americans are all humanity and generosity towards prisoners that fall into their power; but they never can forgive this; they never can pardon England for this unpardonable offence against them.

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Many of the American prisoners, who had been taken from serving us on the decks of our ships of war, were imprisoned at DARTThey endeavoured to make their escape; and MANY OF THEM WERE And, do BY OUR SOLDIERS! SHOT you believe, Mr. James, that this is forgot ten in America? Foolish man are you, and foolish nen are your patrons, if they believe In thousands of houses in America, the names . of the men shot at DARTMOOR are written and put upon the walls, and written ATHENEUM VOL. 2. 2d series.

this.

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be remembered. It argues a want of justice
too, in human blood! Such things ought to
to forget them, and not to resent them. How
did the Americans treat their prisoners of
war, lawfully made prisoners? I believe
that they never put any of them into prison
at all. I believe that it was mere nominal
imprisonment. Barracks, jails, dungeons,
make no part of their system. They went
no further, I believe, than what is called
parole of honour. Poor Lord Liverpool, in
war, told the House that the Americans
a speech in the House of Lords, during the
treated our people whom they had prisoners
of war, more like friends and brethren than
like enemies, whence that sagacious noble-
man concluded, that the American people
disapproved of their own Government for
going to war with us, and that they were
desirous "of placing themselves under the
protection of his Majesty's government!"
And it really required the beating which
our people got at Lake Champlain and
Plattsburg, to convince the profound pre-
mier of his great mistake. The Americans
do not wreak their vengeance on prisoners
And now I think of
of war. They inflict vengeance on haughty
foes that are in arms.

it, Mr. James, what sort of prisoner were you
in America? The first sentence of your book
tells us that you were a prisoner there, and
the third sentence tells us that you effected
your escape. In a hundred parts of your
book you accuse the Americans of falsehood
and of foul dealing: it would not have been
amiss, therefore, if you had explained to us
in what kind of imprisonment you were in the
United States. This explanation was fully
due to a public, before whom you were plac-
ing yourself as an accuser-general of the
American naval historians, and as a voucher-
general for facts which directly contradicted
the official statements of the American com-
manders. In many of the cases, you tell us
that there is no British official account of the
battle. This is particularly the case with re-
gard to the memorable victory (so painful
for an Englishman to think on) gained by
the single frigate CoNSTITUTION over the
LEVANT and CYANE. You, with all the as-
surface imaginable, contradict the American
commander, upon what you call the authori-
ty of "British officers engaged," but you
take special care not to name any of those
officers! This you do in many of those in-
British defeats. In the instance of the St.
stances, and particularly in the case of the
Lawrence beaten by the American ship
"no British official
CHASSEUR, you say,
accounts state;" and then you go on with
account has been published: but unofficial
accounts we receive; it is upon your au-
your own story. It is you, therefore, whose
thority that the contradiction is given to the
American official accounts. It became you,
then, sir, before you attempted to pass your
son that was, from which in the United
word for so much, to tell us what kind of pri-
States, you "effected your escape,"--whether
it was a prison made of bricks, mortar, and
bars, or a prison formed only by your pa-
role, or word; and if the latter, how you
out doing that which is commonly called
contrived to effect your escape from it with-
breach of parole. If this was the way you
effected your escape, you ought when you

come forward to vouch for facts in opposition to the American official statements, to bring somebody to vouch for yourself.

But, besides the treatment of their prisoners of war, how great was the difference in the manner of the two countries in conducting the war! It will be very long before the conduct of the English at Hampton will be forgotten. The visit to the old man upon his death bed, will long be remembered in the United States. You complain bitterly of the publication of private letters by authority of the Captain of the Chasseur. I well remember the publication of those private letters, and that they discovered scenes and motives of meanness, selfishness, low cunning, base greediness, such as I do trust in God no man with one drop of English blood in him is capable of being guilty of. The Captain of the Chasseur performed a duty to bis country, to our country, and to the world. Those letters would have become shop-lifters in London. Such people can never uphold the glory of a country. A country must sink if they have any thing to do with her

affairs.

You give us an account of the military operations at Washington, and of those at Alexandria. Your pretext is, that the fleet had something to do with those operations. But, had not the fleet also something to do with the affair at New-Orleans? Did not the fleet assist in achieving that inextinguishable defeat and disgrace? Did not the COCHRANES and COCKBURNS assist to gain for us that which Paddy would call "father of a beating?" Yet not a word do you say about the affair of New-Orleans. You suppress it altogether; and those who read your history, without having heard of the thumping at New-Orleans, must be unable to believe it possible that such a thing ever took This is your way of writing impartial

history!

There was one thing, however, which, one would suppose, you could not have omitted. Your gallant countrymen (of whom more another time) took away a parcel of negroes from Virginia. Strange that you should not mention this achievement! You dwelt with great minuteness on their exploits at Washington; but say not a word about this negro expedition; which expedition, by-the-bye, WE HAVE YET TO PAY FOR. Whether the sum will be hundreds of thousands of pounds, is more than I can say; but, in a short time, we shall have the comfort of knowing what it is. Yet, not a word do you tell us about this part of the achievements of the navy. In short, you suppress every thing calculated to give us a true impression of the naval occurrences of which you profess to be the historian.

Before I dismiss these remarks, I will give the public a specimen or two of your manner of apologizing for Blue and Buff. When the schooner St. Lawrence was beaten by the Chasseur brig, which were, as nearly as possible, of equal force, the former was carrying despatches from Cockburn, or Cochrane, to some other commander, about the peace; the American attacked her, and took her in about fifteen minutes. Now let us hear the apology. "Men are not in the best trim for fighting, just upon hearing the news of peace; sailors are then dwelling upon their discharge from servitude, the sight of

their long absent friends, all the ties of their homes and families!" Shocking! Despicable! A navy has come to a pretty pass indeed, when such apologies can be offered for its defeats, and fast falling is the nation that can accept of such an apology.

I shall give one more instance of your miserable apologies. The CONSTITUTION American frigate was attacked by two British ships, the Levant and the Cyane, the former carrying 34 guns, and the latter 21. The American frigate appears to have mounted 56 guns, but then, as every one must see, the two ships had greatly the advantage. Indeed, they were aware that they should have the advantage! for you yourself say, that they resolved to attack her, and she beat and captured them both! And let us hear your crying account of this affair.

"On the 20th of February, 1815, H. M. ships Levant and Cyane, were proceeding in company, a few days out from Gibraltar, bound to the Western Islands. About 1 o'clock in the afternoon a strange sail was seen by the Cyane, upon her weather bow; her consort, the Levant, Captain Douglass, then hull down to leeward. The Cyane stood on until about 4 o'clock; when, having ascertained the character of the stranger, Captain Gordon Falcon bore up to speak the Commodore. At about quarter past 5, the two ships passed within hail of each other. Captain Douglass, the senior officer, resolved to engage the enemy's frigate, in hopes, by disabling her, to prevent her intercepting two valuable convoys, that sailed from Gibraltar about the same time as the Levant and Cyane. Both Commanders, at this time, fully believed that she was the American frigate Constitution: having received intel ligence, before leaving port, of her being in their intended track.

"The two ships now tried for the weathergage, but, finding they could not obtain it, they bore up, in hopes to prolong the engagement until night, when. by manoeuvring in the dark, they might effect their object, The superior sailing of the Constitution, however, defeated that plan also; and, at 45 minutes past 5, the Levant and Cyane, hauled to the wind on the starboard-tark. No British official account of this action has been published; therefore, the details are taken, partly from the American accounts, and partly from the information of the British officers engaged.

"The Constitution had previously fired her bow-chasers at the Cyane, without effect, her shot falling short; and, now, having the two British ships under the command of her main-deck battery (they being at a distance from her of full three-quarters of a mile) she commenced firing her broadsides. Both ships returned her fire; but having only carronades, their shot fell short, while the Constitution's 24 pound shot were cutting to pie ces their sails and rigging. As the British became gradually disabled, the Constitution shortened her distance; and, by her superiority in sailing, and working, frequently raked both her opponents.

"It is stated in the American Minutes of the Action,' that, when the firing com menced, the contending ships were about 300 yards distant. According to the psitive testimony of the British officers, examined at the court-martial, the distance was, as

stated before, nearly three quarters of a mile. The object in framing this assertion, is evident. It is to show that the British had the use of their carronades from the first; and that the Constitution did not keep out of range, until she had crippled both ships.

"At about 35 minutes past six, was without a brace or a bow-line, except the larboard fore-brace. Yet, seeing her consort exposed to a heavy raking fire, owing to the Constitution having fired across her, she gallantly stood in between them, and received the broadside. The firing continued at intervals for a few minutes longer, when the Cyane turned the hands up to refit the rigging. Before that could be accomplished, the Constitution had taken a position on her larboard quarter, within hail. Being now totally unmanageable; with most of her standing and running rigging gone; main and and mizzen-masts tottering, and other principal spars wounded; several shot in the hull, nine or ten of which were between wind and water; five carronades disabled, chiefly by the drawing of the bolts and starting of the cheeks; and the Levant having bore up to repair damages, since 6 40, and being now two miles to leeward, still bearing away; the Cyane fired a lee-gun, and hoisted a light as a signal of submission (see p. 433;) and, soon after seven, was taken possession "At 8 15, which was as soon as the Levant had rove new braces, the gallant little ship again hauled her wind, to ascertain the fate of her companion, as well as to renew the desperate contest. On approaching the two ships, Captain Douglas, with a boldness bordering on rashness, ranged close alongside the Constitution, to leeward, being unable to weather her, and the two ships, on opposite tack, exchanged broadsides. This, by the American account, was at half past 8. The Constitution immediately wore under the Levant's stern, and raked her with a second broadside. At 9 30, Captain Douglas, finding that the Cyane had undoubtedly struck her colours, put again before the wind: in doing which, the Levant received several raking broadsides, had her wheel shot away, and her lower masts badly wounded. To fire her stern-chase guns, and to steer at the same time, was impossible, owing to a sad mistake in the construction of this new class of vessels! Seeing the Constitution ranging upon the larboard quarter, the Levant, at 10 P. M. by the American, and 10 40 by the Bri. tish account,struck her colours to the 'gigantic enemy.'

of by the Constitution.

"One could almost cry out, shame! shame! at the Constitution firing successive broadsides into such a ship as the Levant. It is surprising that she did not sink her. Had the Levant, on first bearing away, continued her course, she might have escaped; but that would have appeared like deserting her consort; and personal consideration in battle was never the characteristic of a DOUGLAS.

The reader has, no doubt, already discovered the important variation between Captain Stewart's official letter (App. No. 108,) and the "Minutes of the Action," (No. 109,) by some unaccountable blunder of the Americans, published along with it. According to the latter, the two ships were captured at successive periods, three hours

and ten minutes apart; yet, says the former, both of which, after a spirited action of FORTY MINUTES, surrendered to the ship under my command!' After this a compliment to British gallantry could not be expected; yet the advance of the Levant, at half past eight, and her ranging close up, and exchanging broadsides, with such an adversary would have elicited admiration from the breast of a Turk!

"The Levant lost 6 seamen and marines, killed, and an officer, and 14 seamen and marines wounded. The Cyane had 6 killed, and 13 wounded; total, 12 killed and 39 wounded. Captain Stewart, to make the complements of the ship appear greater than they were, states 23 as the killed, of the former ship, and 12, the latter. This is now become a stale trick, and scarcely deserves notice. The smallness of the Bsitish loss in this action shows clearly, that the Americans had already began to relax in their discipline. The Constitution's fire, considering very worst of ours. the disparity of force, falls far beneath the

"Old Ironsides, as, from her strength and compactness she is very properly called in ing out of carronade-range, to allow many the United States, was too successful in keepin her sides; and a few others, it may be shot to reach her. Some, however, lodged presumed, found their way through; or we should not hear of 6 men killed and mortaland slightly. That both British commanly wounded, and 6 others wounded, severely ders had drilled their men at the guns, is proved by the precision of their fire, during the short period that their carronades could

reach.

"The Levant mounted 21 guns; eighteen carronades, 32-pounders, two long 9pounders, and a 12-pound lanch carronade. Her established complement was 135 men and boys; but she had in the action 115 men and 16 boys; total, 131. Her marines were young raw recruits, that scarcely knew how to handle their muskets; and, although considered as men, would all have been rated as boys in the American service.

"The Cyane was a deep-waisted or a frigate-built ship, and mounted 33 guns, twenty-two carronades, 35-pounders, upon the main-deck, eight carronades, 18-pounders, an 18-pound lanch carronade, and two long 9-pounders, upon the quarterdeck and forecastle. Not another gun did her an additional 18-pound carronade, and she mount; yet Captain Stewart has given two long 12's in lieu of 9's; and, in the "Sketches of the War," all her thirtyfour guns' are described as 32-pound carronades!

"The established complement of the Cyane was 191 men, and 24 (including 12 supernumerary) boys: total 185. But on the morning of the action, she was deficient, in petty-officers and able seamen, 16, and had a surplus of two boys; making her complement, in this action, 145 men, and 26 boys; total, 171. Of this number, 4 men were sick and not at quarters. In computing his prisoners Captain Stewart has committed a mistake; which, added to

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