1640 POSITION OF MONTROSE. 151 determine Montrose's action at this juncture of affairs. Sharing, as he did, to some extent in Strafford's ideas on the place of monarchy in constitutional government, though laying more stress than Strafford did on the duty of kings to take into consideration the wishes of their subjects, he was more under the limitations of nationality than Strafford was. Monarchy was not to him an authority disposing of the forces of the three kingdoms for the coercion of any one of them which happened to resist the wisdom of the Government. It was a purely Scottish institution. Beyond Scottish territory and Scottish men Montrose's thoughts did not travel. Whether Charles was right or wrong, he was to be resisted if he attempted to enforce his views by means of an army of English foreigners. Montrose, therefore, a half-hearted Covenanter it might be, was a Covenanter still. His fellow-countrymen became Covenanters, if possible, more resolutely than ever. The Scottish the Parliament, and was urged to levy new forces to suppress their unlawful desires; and, fearing lest their unlawful desires and our flat refusal of his Majesty's offer to conform to the conference foresaid, should have moved his Majesty to recall what he had condescended unto, to the prejudice of religion and liberties of the subject; and, on the other hand, calling to mind the oath of allegiance and covenant subscribed for the maintenance of his Majesty's honour and greatness-wrestling betwixt extremities, and resolved rather to suffer with the people of God for the benefit of true religion than to give way to his Majesty in what then seemed doubtsome, and being most unwilling to divide from them we were joined with in Covenant, did still undertake with them." (Napier, Memorials of Montrose, i. 218.) Whether this is a perfectly correct account of Montrose's state of mind five years before may perhaps be doubted; but it is at all events significant that he expresses doubts whether the King might not be induced to withdraw the concessions which he had made at Berwick. In writing to Charles in 1641 Montrose distinctly admits that the cause of the mischief was not to be sought only in the conduct of the subjects. They, he tells the King, are likely to fall from him if, by removing the cause and by the application of wholesome remedies, it be not speedily prevented. “They,” he goes on to say, "have no other end but to preserve their religion in purity and their liberties entire. He even speaks as if some moderate alteration in the Acts ought to satisfy the King. "Any difference that may arise upon the Acts passed in the last Parliament your Majesty's presence and the advice and endeavours of your faithful servants will easily accommodate." (Ibid. i. 268.) دو June 11. The Acts passed. Parliament made short work of the questions at issue. It speedily converted into laws, as far as it was possible to do so without the Royal assent, all the Bills which had received the approbation of the Lords of the Articles before the prorogation in November. On June 11 the new constitution-it was nothing less than that— was formally approved of, and Parliament separated, leaving behind it a numerous Committee of Estates empowered to conduct the government of the country in its End of the ession. The Committee of Estates. name. Of these Acts an enthusiastic Covenanter declared that they exhibited 'the next greatest change in one blow that ever happened to this church and state these six hundred years bypast; for in effect it overturned not only the ancient state government, but fettered monarchy with chains, and set new limits and marks to the same beyond which it was not legally to proceed.' 2 May. Failure of ship-money. State of If such was the view taken of these Acts at Edinburgh it was not likely that they would be acceptable to Charles. Yet it was hard to say what he could do. His army was still to be formed. Conway's 2,000 horse at Newcastle was the only force as yet disposable against the enemy. Conway's account of their condition was most depressing. The pistols which had been sent down. to them were absolutely unserviceable, and, as no money was to be had from London to meet the expense of repairing them, he had to give orders that twopence a day should be deducted from the pay of the troopers. A mutiny was the result; and Conway, who had scant time to think of the Petition of Right, ordered one of the ringleaders to be shot. The soldiers themselves were not such as to be easy of guidance. "I am teaching," wrote Conway, cart horses to manage, and men that are fit for Bedlam and Bridewell to keep the ten commandments; so that General Leslie and I keep two schools. He hath scholars that profess to serve God, and he is instructing them how they may safely do 1 i.e. boundaries. 2 Balfour, ii. 379. 66 1640 RESISTANCE TO SHIP-MONEY. 153 injury and all impiety. Mine to the uttermost of their power never kept any law either of God or the King, and they are to be made fit to make others keep them." 1 June 9. The City ordered to pay shipmoney. Almost as soon as the news of the determination of the Scottish Parliament to continue in session reached the King, a desperate effort was made to extract ship-money from the City of London. On June 9 the Lord Mayor and sheriffs were before the Council. The Lord Mayor was asked why he had not collected the money. He replied that he had done his best. "Why," asked the King, did you not distrain?" The poor man pleaded that one of his predecessors was the defendant in an action brought against him in the King's Bench by the indefatigable Richard Chambers for his conduct in collecting ship-money, and that he did not wish to be in the same position. "No man,” said Charles peremptorily, "shall suffer for obeying my commands." Lord Mayor Garway was hardly the man to hold out as Alderman Soames had held out in the case of the loan. He was himself one of the collectors of the new impositions, and had made good profit out of an unparliamentary levy. to collect it. The next day, accompanied by the sheriffs, he went from house to house to demand the money for the King. In the whole City only one man was found to pay it. The Lord Mayor then bade the sheriffs to distrain the goods of the refusers. They told him that this 'was his business, not theirs." Entering a draper's shop he took hold of a piece of linen. The owner coolly asked to be allowed to measure the stuff before he parted with it. When he had ascertained its length, he named the price of the goods, and said that he should charge it to his lordship's account.2 June 10 Failure of the attempt June 11. Coat-andconduct money in the City. On the IIth the Common Council met to consider another demand which had been recently made upon them. They had been required to furnish 4,000 men for the army, and to comply with the usual requisition Conway to Laud, May 20; Conway to Northumberland, May 20; Conway to the Countess of Devonshire, May 28, S. P. Dom. ccccliv. 30, 38. 2 Rossingham's News-Letter, June 16, S. P. Dom. cccclvii. 36. for coat-and-conduct money. After some discussion the meeting separated without returning an answer, and this postponement of a resolution was almost tantamount to a refusal.1 June 12. Charles thinks of using force with the Such a rebuff left Charles almost as much irritated with the City as he was with the Scottish Parliament. The ease with which he had gained the mastery over the turbulent apprentices brought the notion into his head that it would be possible to use armed force to compel the City; City to minister of its fulness to the necessities of the State. In his eyes the refusal of ship-money and of coat-andconduct money was a distinct rejection of legal obligations, and compulsion would thus only be used to bring offenders upon their knees. Such fancies remained with Charles no more than fancies. To carry them out would take time, and it might be that, before he had effected his purpose, a Scottish army would cross the Borders to throw its sword into the scale. It would therefore be necessary to take up once more and of negotiating with the scheme of a negotiation with the Scots. A peace the Scots. with the northern kingdom might be patched up on the best terms which could be obtained, in the expectation that sooner or later an excuse would be given for recommencing the war with better chances, and for reducing Scotland to the 1 obedience which it owed to its rightful King.2 1 The Council to the Lord Mayor, May 31, Rushworth, iii. 1188. Common Council Journal, xxxix. 97, Corporation Records. 2 This rests on the testimony of Rossetti. He would be well informed by the Queen of what was passing. After speaking of the guards placed by the King at Somerset House and St. James's, he says that this was done 'poiche avrebbe voluto, sotto questo colore di reprimere tali seditioni, unire insieme le sue forze per meglio tenere in offitio la città, e costringerla formatamente à dargli qual sussidio di danaro che per via parlamentaria non ha potuto ottenere. Ma perchè per essere la stagione troppo inanzi, e questo dissegno del Rè solamente meditato, difficilmente o con molto progresso potrebbe effettuarlo in quest' anno, si è inteso di più che egli voglia pacificare in qualche buon modo gli Scozzesi per hora et intanto aggiustare le cose d'Inghilterra per non haver impedimento dietro le spalle, e provedersi di danari e d'altre cose necessarie per poter essere in termini à tempo più maturo di muoversi contro la Scotia, et per condurre S. Ma più cautamente il tutto credessi che pensi di voler andare con aparecchio pacifico alle frontieri di quel Regno, accommodarsi in qual miglior 1640 June 1. The second session of the Irish Parliament. THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. long since died away. 155 Before Charles could resolve to take one course or another even worse news than that which had reached him from Edinburgh was speeding across the Irish Channel. The Parliament of Ireland met for its second session on June 1. The enthusiasm, real or factitious, with which the subsidies had been granted in March had Strafford was no longer in Dublin to warn and to encourage. Nor was the situation the same in June as it had been three months before. Not only was there a difference between the time of payment and the time of promise, but there was no longer reason to believe that the Irish who supported the King would be on the winning side. Nor was the House of Commons quite the same as it had been in March. The balance in an Irish House of Commons was easily shifted. Care had been taken that neither the Roman Catholic members nor the independent Protestant members should form a majority. By means of the knot of civilian and military officials the Government could convert either of these minorities into a majority, and it was, therefore, in the interest of both parties to court the good-will of that Government which could do so much to serve them or to injure them. For the moment, however, this source of authority was no longer available. Wandesford, the new Lord Deputy, who held office under the Lord Lieutenant, was an honourable and loyal man, but he was not a Strafford. Even if he had been all that Strafford was, it is doubtful whether success would have been within his reach. Many of the official members were absent from their posts, actively employed in raising troops and in preparing for the coming campaign.1 Protestants and Roman Catholics might be at issue on many points, but they were agreed in disliking to pay large modo che si potesse con li Scozzesi, e veder poi a suo tempo di ridurgli à perfetta obbedienza coll' armi.' He goes on to say that, in spite of the King's irritation about the news from Scotland, 'nondimeno credesi che egli voglia per hora con l'arte più che con la forza procurare di ridurre a qualche quiete le cose.' Rossetti to Barberini, June 12, R. O. Transcripts. 1 Carte's Ormond, i. 99. |