situation of our affairs, at that time, both with England and France, precluded the possibility of interfering in his behalf, without endangering the peace of the country. Some excuse may be found for Paine, in the fact of his confinement eleven months in a French prison. It is well calculated to engender unfavorable feelings towards others.

In October, 1796, he published the second part of the Age of Reason, and in the year following, a Letter to the Hon. Thomas Erskine, a pamphlet entitled Agrarian Justice, and a Letter to the people and armies of France. This was his last publication in France.

Paine now wished to return to the United States, which was no easy matter: the fleets of Great Britain covered the ocean, having received orders to search for him in all vessels leaving France. He made arrangements for accompanying Mr. Munroe home, which circumstances, fortunately for him, prevented; as the vessel in which he embarked was boarded by a British frigate and strictly searched. After a number of unsuccessful attempts to procure a safe passage, he finally succeeded, and arrived at Baltimore, Oct. 30, 1802. From thence he went to Washington, where he continued five or six months. While there he wrote several letters, addressed To the people of the United States.

Besides the works here enumerated, Paine was the author of several minor productions, and among them a number of pieces of poetry; the best of which are the monody on the death of Gen. Wolfe, and the Castle in the Air.

In May, 1803, he went to New-York, with the intention of residing there. His estate in New-Rochelle, West Chester county, had greatly increased in value during his absence of fourteen years. Here and in the city of New-York, he resided till his death, which occurred in the latter place. He was removed to New-Rochelle and buried on his estate, and this inscription, at his own request, placed on his tombstone. "Thomas Paine, author of Common Sense: died June 8th, 1809, aged 72 years and 5 months."

Probably no man ever was more abused by writers than Thomas Paine. Nothing like an impartial history of his life and writings has been published: he seems, according to his biographers, a rara avis; a man without one good quality;-who lived more

than seventy years without ever performing one good action with a good intention. Some occurrences, on which it would be ridiculous in men of sense not to bestow praise, they have, wisely for their plan, passed slightly over. But invariably where there was room to hang a doubt, they have attributed the worst of motives to him.

That his publications during the American revolution, were of eminent service to this country cannot be disputed. And although now every one is familiar with, and advocates the sentiments contained in them, it should be recollected that they were nearly original, and dangerous to be acknowledged, at that time. When Common Sense was written it was very difficult to get any one in Philadelphia who would run the risk of printing it. A Scotchman was at last induced to undertake it.

Some of our greatest men have borne testimony to the efficacy of this work. Among them, Ramsay, in his History of the Revolution, says "Nothing could have been better timed than this performance (Common Sense.) In unison with the feelings and sentiments of the people, it has produced surprising effects. Many thousands were convinced, and were led to approve and long for a separation from the mother country." And Gordon says, " No publication has so much promoted the spirit of independency as Common Sense. It has produced most astonishing effects."

The numbers of the Crisis were intended to invigorate the spirits of the Americans; show the necessity of a strict Union of the States; the importance of combined operations;—or ridicule the attempts of Great Britain to subjugate this country while so united. Among the latter, the one addressed to lord Howe stands conspicuous, as a most finished piece of sarcastic rebuke.

Of his European political publications, much has been and may be said. That the government of Great Britain was then, and is now, corrupt-that the great body of the people are oppressed for the benefit of the few-that the people in fact have no influence in the administration; being always opposed by a large majority of members in both houses of parliament bought for the purpose and that they are borne down to the dust by taxation, is well known to those who wish to know it.

Paine's object was to open the eyes of the people to a proper sense of their rights. To prove to them that it was lawful to

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A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF T. PAINE. remove any and every one from office when they ceased to act for the good of the community. To show them, that a king, if tolerated at all, was the servant of a people,-bound to direct their affairs with a view to their best interests, and not waste their wealth and sacrifice their lives in foreign intrigues and wars, for his individual fame.

That his writings on this subject tended to, and came very near producing, a revolution in that country, is certain. And nothing but a complete revolution can reinstate the people in their rights. Petitions and remonstrances are worse than useless, as has been seen in innumerable instances, and among the number NorthAmerica was one: all the ability of the country was put in requisition to supplicate for a redress of grievances, and what was the result? Derision and contempt. Inveterate diseases cannot be cured by the application of milk and water; the remedy must be proportioned to their virulence.

The most unfortunate thing for Paine's reputation was the publication of his Age of Reason. There is nothing to palliate it; nor one good argument that can be urged in its favor. It could never do any good even if it could not be controverted. It levels the present system of Christianity without proposing any other in its stead; and brings into contempt and ridicule a book which for the interest of the world should be held in reverence.

COMMON SENSE:

ADDRESSED TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA, ON THE FOLLOWING INTERESTING SUBJECTS, VIZ.

I. Of the origin and design of government in general; with concise remarks on the English constitution.

II. Of monarchy and hereditary succession.

III. Thoughts on the present state of American affairs.

IV. Of the present ability of America; with some miscellaneous reflections.

To which is added an Appendix.

Man knows no master save creating heaven,

Or those whom choice and common good ordain.

Thomson.