CALVIN.

[Continued from page 88.] To the same period in the life of Calvin, in which the profligacy of Berthelier was punished with excommunication, is to be referred the capital sentence passed on the unhappy Servetus for the crime of heresy ;-an event of greater notoriety, and which authors and disputants unfriendly to the memory of Calvin have so frequently and pertinaciously urged to his disadvantage, that it is imperative to state the facts of the case succinctly and clearly, and to ascertain the kind and degree of blame attaching to one who bore so prominent a part in the history of the Reformation*.

Michael Servetus was born, in 1509, at Villanueva, in the kingdom of Arragon, in Spain. He

* It will not be expected, that reference should be made to the numerous writers pro and con on this interesting subject, which, if handled at large, would compose a volume of no ordinary size. A statement, which, it is trusted, is the result of examination of the best authorities, will satisfy the candid reader. The dispute on Calvin's conduct in the affair of Servetus was revived in 1818, in the Zurich Gazette, in consequence of a Genevese mob, encouraged by a Socinian party, insulting some Calvinists in public worship. The papers were collected and published in an able pamphlet, entitled, Widerlegung einiger irrthumer, &c. (Refutation of a few errors in Orell's Gazette of Zurich concerning the Calvinists of Geneva, by B. von Lerber, of Berne.)

APRIL 1825.

possessed considerable talents and active research; was acquainted with civil law, which he studied at Toulouse; but was more immediately devoted to the faculty of medicine, in which he was so sagacious that he nearly anticipated Dr. Harvey in his theory of the circulation of the blood. He discovered also much subtilty in metaphysical inquiries, which proved his snare; for he was too bold and unscriptural in his speculations, and too arrogant in their defence. When young, he composed his first anti-trinitarian work, and used as much caution as possible in its publication. He placed the manuscript in the hands of Conrad Rouss, a bookseller of Basle, who sent it to Hagenau to be printed; and it was published at Strasburg and Francfort, under the title of "Seven Books against Trinitarian Error." Ecolampadius obtained one of the first copies that came into Switzerland, and wrote his sentiments on it to Bucer, August 5th, 1531. "I saw this week our friends of Berne, who desired to be remembered to you and Capito. They were much distressed at the publication called "De Trinitatis Erroribus," which some of them have seen. Let me beg of you to tell Luther, that it was printed out of this country, and without our knowledge. For, to mention one particular, it is an impudent thing to affirm, as the author does,

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that the Lutherans do not understand the doctrine of justification. But the man, whether he be a Photinian or of any other sect, evidently fancies that he knows better than any body else. Our church will be very ill spoken of, unless our divines make a point of protesting against him. I beseech you especially to keep a watchful eye over it, and to take the opportunity of discountenancing it on the part of our communion, in any address which you may be sending to the Emperor. We know not how such a monster crept in among us. He wrests all passages of Scripture to prove, that the Son is not co-eternal and consubstantial with the Father, and that the Man Christ is the Son of God."

It is no wonder that Ecolampadius was so much alarmed. Concerning the person of the Saviour, Servetus declared, "Christ was præformed in the Divine Mind: he was a certain mode of being himself there; which mode God disposed of in himself, that he might make himself known to us,--that is, by describing the image of Jesus Christ in himself." This he called, "the face of God, and the Word made flesh;" and asserted, that the three Divine Persons were a chimæra, and metaphysical gods. In 1532, he sent out another work, entitled, "Two Books of Dialogues on the Trinity." It was after the publication of his second writing that he left Germany for Paris, where he was admitted Doctor of Medicine, and became acquainted with Calvin, who opposed his tenets. About ten years afterwards, he corrected the proofs of a Latin Bible by Pagninus at Lyons; adding a preface and notes, under the name of Villanovanus, and introducing into the latter much objectionable doctrine relating to Christ. Calvin kept up a correspondence with him for some time, in the hope of reclaiming him from his errors. Servetus proposed

three questions: 1. Whether the Man Jesus, who was crucified, was the Son of God; and what is the foundation of that Sonship? 2. Whether the kingdom of Christ be in men; and when a man may be said to enter into it, or be regenerated? 3. Whether the baptism that Christ instituted ought to be received in faith, even as his supper is; and to what purpose these were instituted under the new covenant? The answers returned by our Reformer to these queries so much displeased the subtle Spaniard, that he conceived against him an unalterable aversion.

At length he printed privately, at Vienne in Dauphiny, his "Christianity Restored;" in which he professed to give the primitive and genuine doctrine of the church, concerning the knowledge of God, Christian faith, justification, regeneration, baptism, and the Lord's supper. Though this work appeared under the name of Villanovanus, the magistracy of Vienne issued orders for his apprehension, on which he made his escape to Geneva. Sentence, however, was pronounced against him as a heretic, to be burnt alive, if he could be seized, and, in the mean time, his effigy and five bales of his books were consumed by fire in the public market-place. Among the charges brought against our Reformer it was said, that he had persuaded the arrest of Servetus at Vienne; but Calvin, in one of his treatises, ridicules the idea of his coalescing with Romanists for such a purpose. "A report," says he, "is current that I endeavoured to have Servetus seized in a popish territory; and many observe that it was not wisely done to expose him to the mortal enemies of the faith, as if I had thrown him into the jaws of wolves; but I would ask, how comes it to pass that there should be, all of a sudden, such a familiarity between me and the guardians of the Papacy? Can it

be credited that there should be such a free epistolary correspondence between those who are as opposite as Christ and Belial?"

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Senebier, in his literary history of Geneva, has argued this point so reasonably and impartially, that it can scarcely fail of rebutting the malicious insinuation. "But Calvin is charged with abusing the confidence of Servetus; with dispatching to Vienne the letters that he had received from him, as well as the work entitled Christianity Restored,' of which Servetus had made him a present. I maintain that this accusation is incredible. Can it be believed, that Calvin, whose name was execrated in Roman-Catholic countries, could expect from their magistrates any attention to his complaints, or any regard to his letters?

But sup

posing that he had been capable of conduct at once so absurd and atrocious, is it conceivable that he would have been silent for seven years; that he would not rather have prosecuted Servetus; that he would not have sent, wherever Servetus resided, the letters he had received, and the work he possessed? It may, however, be demonstrated, that seven years had then elapsed since they had been in correspondence; and the famous letter of Calvin, which Uttembogaert saw in the library of the King of France, shews that he was at that time -as well aware of his character as he might have been afterwards, and that he had seen the celebrated work of which I have spoken :-" -Servetus lately wrote to me, and accompanied his letter with a large volume of his mad fancies, with a hectoring boast that I should see amazing and unheard-of things; that, if I pleased, he would come hither but I was unwilling to compromise my good faith; for, if he should come, my authority would be exercised in preventing him from departing alive.' This letter is dated in February 1546. Calvin therein

refers to the work in question, discovers his judgment of it, and of the punishment due to its author ; but it as plainly appears, that he was so far from engaging him to come to Geneva, that he would not promise to leave him unmolested, but rather warns him of what he might fear if he ventured into that city. It is evident, then, that, if Calvin endeavoured to keep Servetus from Geneva, that he might avoid the punishment with which he threatened him, he would not have thought of inflicting it on him elsewhere, which would have been attended with considerable difficulty, if not absolutely impossible."

It is supposed, that Servetus intended to pass on into Italy. He stayed, however, several weeks at Geneva; encouraged, as it should seem, by some of the magistrates who were enemies to Calvin, and had the rashness to defend his opinions in the most offensive manner; giving Calvin' the lie above fifty times in one discourse, and as often calling him a wicked wretch, and comparing him to Simon Magus. This conduct was calculated to irritate that part of the government which was friendly to Calvin, and which at that time formed a considerable majority. Spon says, "The Council could no longer endure his impudence, and therefore committed him to prison."

As the law of Geneva required that the accuser and the accused should enter the prison together, Calvin directed the process to be made by Nicholas de la Fontaine, his secretary, and a student in theology. Calvin confesses that this was done with his knowledge. De la Fontaine made himself a prisoner, requiring the detention of Servetus, who was brought to the bar for the first time on the 14th of August 1553, when forty articles, extracted from his writings, were exhibited against him, of which he was found guilty. Then, according to form, an officer, called the Lieutenant

ren.

general, undertook the process at the instance of the Procureur-general, and the student was liberated. The principal accusations were, 1. That he had declared, in his "Commentary on Ptolemy," that it was wrong and rash for the Bible to celebrate the fertility of Canaan, whilst it was uncultivated and bar2. That he had used the most impious comparisons with reference to one God in three persons. 3. That the essence of the Divinity was common to all creatures, even to the inanimate. 4. That man had a free-will to do good or evil, but was not accountable for his actions before he was twenty years of age. 5. That it was sufficient to believe that Christ was the Son of God, without laying hold of his promises; all men, both Jews and Gentiles, being justified by their good works. Servetus presented a petition on the 22d of August, in which he pleaded for religious toleration; to which the Procureurgeneral replied after eight days. The Council of Vienne claimed Servetus, who, being left at liberty to return to his former judges, preferred the chance of a more favour able judgment at Geneva, to the certainty of suffering the capital punishment pronounced against him at Vienne.

The case of the accused and convicted heretic was submitted, at Calvin's instigation, to the Helvetic Churches. On the 26th of October he communicated to Farel, at Neufchatel, the result of this appeal. "The messenger is returned from Switzerland. They all unanimously declare, that Servetus has revived the impious errors with which Satan formerly disturbed the church, and that he is a monster not to be tolerated. The Basilians are the most moderate; the Zurichers the most violent, for they forcibly describe the atrocity of his impieties, and exhort our Senate to severity. The divines of Schafhausen have subscribed to their judgment, as well

as those of Berne; and the Senate of the latter have also sent a letter, which has had great influence on

ours.

Cæsar, an odd kind of man, pretended to be indisposed for three days, but at length came to court, and, with a view to the acquittal of the prisoner, had the effrontery to propose, that the cause should be removed to the Council of Two Hundred. Nevertheless he has been condemned without any dispute, and will be executed to-morrow. We have tried to obtain a commutation of punishment, but in vain. I will tell you, when I see you, why the judges have not granted our request."

On the following morning one of the Syndics, named D'Arlord, read the horrible sentence, which con demned him to be bound and led to the Champel without the city, there to be fastened to a stake and burned alive, together with his book. Servetus sent for Calvin, who with two magistrates visited him in prison, and begged his pardon. Calvin told him, that he never thought of revenging himself for any personal injuries that he had received; but observed, that he had laboured, even to the hazard of his life, for the space of sixteen years, to reclaim him from his errors; that he had communicated with him by private letters with mildness, and continued to treat him as a friend, till he found that he bitterly inveighed against him, even to madness, because he had been free in his reproofs. He exhorted him to seek forgiveness of God, for denying his existence in three persons. But when he perceived that his admonitions made no impression, he left him, declaring that, according to the injunction of St. Paul, he must withdraw from a heretic, who was condemned by his own conscience.

The unhappy man was then prepared for execution. It is by no means creditable to Farel, that he took the pains to go to Geneva, to be present at this cruel scene, and

even conducted the prisoner to the stake, though Calvin resolved not to sanction the proceeding. Servetus trembled at the prospect of his suffering, but was collected enough to make a speech, in which he avowed his adherence to his former sentiments*.

Those writers who, from tenderness to the memory of our Reformer, consider him as disapproving the capital punishment of Servetus, argue like men who injure their own cause by attempting to prove too much. It seems, indeed, that he thought, under all the circumstances, he ought to suffer death. He says, in writing to Farel (Ep. 152, p. 120), Spero, capitale saltem fore judicium; pænæ vero atrocitatem remitti cupio: I trust that he will not escape a capital sentence; but I would have no cruelty exercised in his punishment." It must be allowed, however, that there is some ambiguity in the language; and that it may be interpreted as signifying a desire, that the sentence of the government may be capital, from regard to existing law, conformity to the judgment of the Cantons, and the sake of example, but that he desired nevertheless to have his life spared. If it be understood in the very worst sense, the advocates of Calvin are still justified in asserting, that of all the parties concerned he was the least to blame; that he believed Servetus would obtain a more liberal hearing at Geneva than elsewhere, knowing that his

cause

was already prejudged in France, Spain, and Italy; that such men as Ecolampadius, Bucer, Bullinger, and Melancthon, who were the most moderate of the Reformers, have all expressed themselves in more bitter terms upon the subject

Calvini fidelis Expositio Errorum Serveti, p. 827; Tract. Theol. p. 836; Senebier, Hist. Litt. de Genev. tom. iii.

Art. Calvin; Allwoerden, Hist. Serveti, § 48. p. 105; Lubienjecius, Hist. Reform. Polon. 1. ii. c. 5.

than can be paralleled in any writ ings of Calvin; and that there is historical injustice and party malevolence in the prominence which is given to the single fact of the burning of Servetus by a large class of authors who are unfriendly to Calvinistic sentiment.

During the dispute relating to Berthelier, Calvin had been deeply wounded by the conduct of some leading characters, who shewed illwill toward the Consistory; and therefore he took occasion to preach on the subject of the departure of Paul from the church of Ephesus; declaring, that, for himself, he would by no means appear to act in opposition to the government, which had thought proper to pass a decree in favour of Berthelier, and exhorting the people to continue stedfast in the doctrine in which they had been instructed. In conclusion, he said emphatically, "Seeing, my brethren, that matters have proceeded to this extremity, suffer me to use the words of the Apostle, I commend you to God and the word of his grace!"" As this quotation was understood to imply that he was meditating a resignation of his charge, it caused a great alarm among those who were attached to his ministry, and led to a reversal of the decree. Farel was indignant, however, at the manner in which his friend had been treated, and, thinking that his age and services gave him authority, censured the Genevese most severely in a public discourse for their factious spirit. Offended at his boldness, the magistrates insisted that he should appear before them and answer for his conduct. The preacher came from Neufchatel, whither he had gone after his sermon, to obey the summons; but some of the more discreet citizens advised Perrin to beware of injuring a venerable pastor, who had rendered essential benefit to the Republic; which so intimidated him and his party, that