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Franciscans, those of Jude and James; to Wadsten, those of Peter and John; and, lastly, to the Carthusians, the book of Revelations. It was a curious era in the history of the Swedish Church, when, contrary to their real inclinations, simultaneous employment was thus found for her various members *. Meanwhile the Archbishop and his suffragans, that they might not appear inimical to the cause of evangelical truth, and yet avert if possible the blow that was aimed against them, waited in a body on the sovereign, and made a formal charge of heresy against Olaus and his adherents. The metropolitan represented that his version was merely taken from that of Luther, which the Pope had already interdicted, and condemned as heretical: moreover, that the royal declarations which had been issued against the clergy were owing to the persuasions of these same obnoxious characters, who, as they were the enemies of religion, so in opposing the immunities of the clergy they in effect violated the privileges of the whole nation; and therefore he implored his Majesty, in the name of all the clergy, to rescind these grievous decrees, and deign to shew himself the protector of religion and its ministers. Gustavus replied, that he had proceeded in these matters with perfect understanding of their merits, and with justice and equity, since he had taken nothing from the ecclesiastics that they had not previously arrogated to themselves. With respect to Olaus, he was ready to exterminate him, and all other heretics, if they were justly convicted; but he had noticed such excellent qualities in him, that he was well persuaded he could easily wipe off the stigma of heresy; whereas theologians were too apt to bring this charge against all who did not hold

* Puffendorf, p. 284.

every sentiment with themselves, and even to commence actions of this nature on very slight foundations. Irritated at this answer, the Archbishop rejoined, "that he would readily undertake to convict Olaus, on the most weighty grounds, of heresy, before his royal majesty and his ministers, and make them all witnesses of his conviction." The king, believing that a conference of this description would be highly useful, and tend to the promotion of truth, took the earliest opportunity of appointing a public disputation on the chief articles of the Christian faith, to be held in the college of Upsal; at which he would himself attend, with his court, and listen to the arguments on both sides. But he had no sooner summoned the senators and nobles, and the accused had shewn his readiness to meet the charge, than the prelates began to find some plea for delay; declaring that it was beneath their dignity to dispute with one of whom they were the proper judges; and that a man of his singular fluency and sagacity might, with his faction, put them to unbecoming confusion: they therefore appointed Peter Galle, Professor of theology in the academy of Upsal, to be their representative.

The controversy, as appears from the document extracted by Gerdesius from Baazius, turned on those points at that time commonly disputed between the Romanists and Evangelicals. As usual, each party claimed the victory, and could come to no agreement, because one appealed to tradition, and the other to Scripture. The King, fearing that the minds of the audience would be thereby too much confused to form a deliberate judgment, commanded the disputants to write their arguments, that religious hearers and readers might know which party defended true doctrine, and taught such worship as was agreeable to the word of God. The dispute

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being thus abruptly terminated, the Romish advocate committed to writing the papal proofs, to which the Protestant champion took twelve exceptions.

Bishop Braske now used his utmost endeavour to prevent that spirit of appeal to the sacred oracles which seemed to be diffusing itself among all ranks. He asserted, that Christ had entrusted the interpreta tion of Scripture to the bishops and doctors of the church, not to laymen and the multitude, that a handle might not be given for mooting points on the most holy subjects. He shewed that the vernacular version would only tend to establish Lutheranism, by constituting the people, ever greedy of novelty, judges in matters of faith. He declared that religion ought not to be subjected to such a test, and that his brethren had been criminally indulgent in permitting it; and vented his fury against Olaus, calling him a heretic, whom the diocesan of Stregnass ought to arrest, and dispose of, or at least send to Rome, that the church might suffer no detriment from him and his adherents,-men not to be dealt with in a way of conviction, but to be punished with fire and sword *. All his opposition, however, was ineffectual to hinder the progress of a purer doctrine, which was daily striking deeper root in the national mind; while the publication of the acts of the Upsal conference, and the example of marriage set by the venerated Olaus, had the effect of inclining many of the clergy to the profession of a Protestant faith and the renunciation of celibacy, and of inducing many of the nobility to make choice of such chaplains as would preach the truths of the Gospel in their castles.

On occasion of the assistance rendered to the exiled monarch, Christiern, by the Emperor, me nacing an invasion of Sweden, Gus

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tavus convened the senate, to consider of the means of discharging a debt to the Lubeckers, and of settling the military arrears. He instructed his Chancellor to represent the expediency of requiring the clergy, as good citizens, to contribute to the necessities of the state from those treasures of which they held unjust possession; stating, that the ecclesiastical tenths for one year, or even two-thirds, would sup. ply the treasury, or pay the foreign debt. The clergy raised such opposition to this demand, and excited so many tumults, that the King went to Upsal, about Easter 1526, and summoned a chapter of the archbishop and canons, instituting a new conference, at which Olaus Petri and Dr. Galle appear to have been present, concerning the revenues and exemption of the prelates of the church. He inquired "whence the clergy derived their prebends and ecclesiastical immunities?" Galle replied, " From the grants of pious kings and princes, according to the word of God, freely given for the sustentation of the church." The King inferred, "If they obtain their goods and privileges from the liberality of kings, may not the donation cease from the same authority, especially if they abuse these gifts?" Galle said, "If the ecclesiastical goods are withdrawn, the church itself must fall, contrary to the will and promise of Christ, who had declared that the gates of hell should never prevail against it." Gustavus remarked, "The revenues of the church are wasted on slow bellies, who know not how to preach or write profitably, and are content if they chaunt what is called The Canonical Hours,' which many of them do without devotion. Since, then, it could not be proved from the word of God that dues absolutely belonged to the church, nor that these goods tended to the increase of piety, or were converted to necessary uses, it would be beneficial to

the church itself to turn them to a better account." The Doctor was silent; on which his Majesty commanded the Archbishop to speak, but he declined. Then Master George Turson, provost of the cathedral, urged a grave plea for the privileges of the clergy: "It was not permitted to any man to take ought from the church without danger of excommunication and eternal damnation." The King bore this patiently, but reminded the theologian that he should speak theologically, and prove his assertions from holy Scripture. He then declared his sentiments, that he did not refuse to pious ministers both reverence, according to God's word, and a necessary and decent support, but could not see that any stipend was due to the slow bellies living in sanctuaries and monasteries.

The Archbishop, continuing his opposition, was at length sent into honourable exile, and, going to Rome, implored the protection of the Pope. Gustavus meanwhile prosecuted his measures of reformation, especially at Stockholm, where he removed from the churches the various monuments of idolatry; among which was a statue of St. George, of colossal size, which had given occasion to various superstitions; placing faithful preachers in the pulpits; and enjoining ministers to celebrate public worship in the vernacular tongue. He also sent out an apology, in answer to the calumnies spread against the Swedish church and government by the exiled prelate; and, because the discontents of the clergy had excited insurrection in Dalecarlia, he convened a meeting of the States at Aros, where be first gave an entertainment to the members, and assigned the chief place to the senatorial lords, the second to the bishops, the third to the nobles, the fourth to the rest of the clergy, the fifth to the citizens, and the sixth to the deputies from the country. This arrange ment was designed to humble the

pretensions of the ecclesiastical body, who had been accustomed to see the Archbishop of Upsal, as primate, seated next to the King, and its different members placed above the temporal nobility. As soon as the feast was over, the bishops and clergy withdrew to the church of St. Egidius, and consulted with closed doors on the provision to be made against the encroachments which were meditated. Bishop Braske, in great indignation, inveighed against the proceedings of his Majesty, as aiming at absolute power, and innovating on the ancient laws of the country; but the diocesans of Stregnass and Scara recommended conciliatory measures, and, arguing on the weakness of the clergy to oppose a sovereign who was so well supported by the nobility, proposed the resignation of part of their rights to save the remainder. The session ended by a solemn oath, taken by all present, to defend their privileges, to root out heresy, and to oppose the royal innovations; and, binding each other to secrecy, they deposited their resolutions under a tomb-stone, where they were discovered about fifteen years after. Gustavus, unconscious of this proceeding, charged his Chancellor to invite the States to enactments against insurrection and invasion; adding, that restrictions should be laid on the wealth and power of the ecclesiastics, and a demand made of a portion of their revenues for the exigencies of the state. This proposition was violently opposed by the bishops, who declared that the sacred treasure of the church ought not to be touched without permission of the Roman Pontiff. The remonstrance of the episcopal order had such an effect on the States, especially on those nobles who were still attached to the Popish religion, that Gustavus rose, and reproached them with inconstancy, and ingratitude towards himself, who had exposed his person in defence of their liberties, while

a set of idle priests had not scrupled to charge him with heresy; declaring that he was ready to lay down the royal dignity and quit the kingdom, on the security of a pension. He then left the assembly, with some officers his adherents, and, shutting himself up three days in the citadel, left the Chancellor to preside over the Senate, which broke up without further deliberation. New conferences were held between Olaus and Galle, which were soon discontinued, because the latter would insist on using the Latin tongue, while the former maintained the propriety of using the Swedish, that all might comprehend the nature of the dispute. The seditious designs of the prelates were, however, frustrated, and a deputation from the States invited the King to retain the royal dignity. The bishops were removed from a share in the government, and obliged to resign certain possessions which had been unlawfully obtained; while they were enjoined to ordain useful pastors, and forbidden to appropriate the goods of deceased clergymen who had legitimate heirs. Restraints were laid on mendicant friars, and certain abuses corrected in the ecclesiastical courts.

Olaus found it necessary to defend these proceedings against the attacks of Paul Helie, the Danish Carmelite, and to answer his calumnies against the Lutherans, whom he accused of stirring up sedition, and denying the necessity of good works. He also explained the theory of the freedom of the will, which had been misrepresented; maintained that Baptism and the Lord's Supper were the only sacra ments in the Christian church; and that wedlock was lawful in clergymen. Gustavus, towards the close of the year 1527, made open profession of Protestantism; confirmed Olaus in the pastoral care of Stockholm; and soon afterwards raised his brother Laurence to the archbishoprick, giving him his niece in

marriage, with an ample dowry, whether as some equivalent for the impoverished state of the see, or as testifying his approbation of the alliance itself. He now acquiesced in the ceremony of coronation, having previously witnessed the ordination of three bishops to the sees of Stregnass, Scara, and Abo, by the hands of the diocesan of Aros, without the consent or investiture of the Pontiff. The principal ecclesiastics attended a meeting of the States at Orebrog, in 1529, where all dependance on Rome was formally renounced, and the rule of Scripture solely recognised. In this assembly the Chancellor sat as royal commissioner, and Olaus acted as secretary. All the old superstitions were not abolished, but a right use was aimed at in such as were retained. Olaus had a difficult task to perform, being enjoined by the King to innovate as gently as possible. He drew up a manual of liturgical services, which afforded in some instances a curious mixture of Popish and Protestant sentiment: thus, in the form of burial, it was said, "If it be permitted to pray for the dead, we beseech thee, O Lord, to have mercy upon him!

But the greatest benefit which he rendered the church in this trying season, was his Tract on Justification. He says, "A sinner is justified by faith; not, however, because he believes, but by an appropriation of the righteousness of Christ, for the grace of God alone justifieth. We know indeed that the wrath of God is infinite, and can never be pacified by man. Therefore came the Son of God manifest in the flesh; who bore infinite wrath in our stead, lost as we were by sin, while he merited infinite grace for all that believe. Whoever, then, will be justified by his own works, despises the merit of Christ, and cannot obtain the righteousness which he seeks. We who believe are beloved in Christ, and the wrath of God abideth on unbelievers. The elect

in Christ are sons of God, through the merit and redemption of the only incarnate Son of God, who was willing to become our brother, that he might bear the office of mediator. The Holy Spirit himself, their guide, supports in the justified this assurance of salvation and election; by whose assistance the faithful daily proceed in the exercise of good works and obedience to the divine word."

"To preach the Gospel, is to announce the remission of sins, and the righteousness of Christ, which is followed by good works in the renewed; not indeed perfect, through the old Adam dwelling in the flesh,

repugnant to goodness, but yet ac cepted through the reconciliation in Christ, and direction of the Holy Spirit, by whom the believer obe dient to the word is guided."

"A believer cannot properly seek a reward, though freely promised in Christ, since he has it from the grace of a promise, and not from a desert of work; as those who expect a great reward must be totally disappointed, if a saint is unable to do any thing rightly, but as he gives glory to a co-operating God, and acknowledges a gratuitous reward, without ascribing a particle of glory to himself; for the true life of man is the glory of God."

BARTIMEUS.-MARK X. 46–52.

A BEGGAR, helpless, vile, and weak,
On yon broad highway side
I sat me down, in hope to meet
The aid for which I sigh'd.
Sealed up in night, the glare of day
Ne'er broke upon mine eyes;
And thicker gloom forbade one ray
To pierce my mental skies.
The cares that uppermost arose,

And rack'd my heart and head,
Were only such the body knows,-
Its garments, and its bread.
When fix'd upon my dusty seat,
How anxious did I hear
The fast-approaching busy feet

Of travellers drawing near!
Their willing mite some few bestow'd,
At my accustoin'd cry;
But others pass'd me on the road—
I heard them stealing by.

At length upon my listening ear

Burst forth the loud acclaim, And, trembling between hope and fear, I asked the Hero's name.

"Perhaps he will regard the blind, "And pity's stores supply." "Be still," they cried, "and calm thy mind,

""Tis JESUS passeth by!"

The words thrill'd thro' my darksome soul And shed a light divine.

I thought, "That Name can make me whole,

"Can chase a gloom like mine!" I cried: they bade me hold my peace: I rais'd my voice more high; My tongue determin'd not to cease Till Jesus heard the cry.

"Thou Son of David," loud I said,
“Have mercy upon me!”

He stood-all heaven around me spread
When told "He calleth thee!"
My tatter'd garb aside I cast,

Sprang from my weary seat:
Though blind, I rush'd to hím in haste;
Fell suppliant at his feet.

"What wilt thou that my love shall do?" (Like balm the accents fell).

66

Lord, give me sight, my powers renew, "Take me with thee to dwell."

He spake broad daylight pour'd around ;
My eye-balls own'd the ray:
My soul a brighter vision found,

And follow'd in the way.

Now where he goes my feet attend,

And bless the happy road.

He is my Home, my Father, Friend,
My Saviour, and my God!

N.

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