sufferings. Even the mocking muse of Butler has something Olympian in her strain, when she turns from the "chief of domestic knights and errant," from the "politician with more heads than a beast in vision," and from the "haberdashers of small wares in politics and State affairs" to sing of those in whom, what you can get." There was yet a little | the call which bids us lift for a moment amusement to be had out of this arid the curtain that shrouds their cause and place. She had her father's sanction for making use of her opportunities; anything was better than to mope; and for her it was a necessity to live. She laughed a little under her breath once more, as she came back to this more reassuring thought, and so lay down in her sister's bed with a satisfaction in the thought that it had not taken her any trouble to supplant Frances, and a mischievous smile about the corners of her mouth; although, after all, the thought of the travellers came over her again as she closed her eyes, and she ended by crying herself to sleep. From The Scottish Review. THE AMERICAN LOYALISTS.* A PECULIAR interest always attaches to the fortunes of those who fought gallantly in a struggle they did not provoke, and the misfortunes of loyalty on the losing side, in a special degree, secure our sympathy. Vixtrix causa diis placuit, sed victa Catoni, was the haughty: judgment of the unconquerable Roman, and the votaries of a religion which tells us that "offences must come," and that man is fallen, may often, without irreverence, feel inclined to re-echo his sentiment, when confronted with the crude philosophy that proclaims vox populi vox dei. In every great convulsion there are those whose action is decided by considerations of personal duty, more restricted than the arguments which sway senates, or the profound reflections which historians make after the event. The one step which honor and obligation demand must be taken is clear, and they confuse not their consciences with speculations on the distant scene. Alas! it is too often on such that the chief burden falls of defraying the reckoning for the mistakes of monarchs and the madness of multitudes. And too often to exile, confiscation, and the scaffold, there is added the more enduring penalty of misconstruction and misrepresentation. All the more grateful then is the task of answering to Although outnumbered, overthrown, During last century Great Britain was involved in two civil contests, which ended in the complete triumph of one party, and the unavoidable ruin of many individuals who had adhered to the other. But here the parallel betweeen the Jacobite insurrections and the struggle which ended in the independence of the United States ceases, for after the lapse of a few decades the Jacobites were judged with a leniency, which has scarcely yet been extended to those who in America adhered to the crown and the connection with the mother country. Many reasons might be suggested to account for what at first appears strange, for the American Tories would seem to have merited more allowance being made for them than the Jacobites. The Jacobites raised the strife; the others took their side when it had begun; the Jacobites had been recalcitrant and sullen under an established government; the Loyalists had grown up with their neighbors under a supremacy hitherto unquestioned; they suffered for not moving with the times. But the strife had been more envenomed. In Scotland the insurgents had been led by gentlemen of high name and lofty character; a father on one side and a son on the other were strong incentives to discourage rapine; and both parties had every reason to destroy each other in as conservative a spirit as possi ble. Even the desolations of the Highland glens by the rude soldiery of Cumberland exacted a terrible revenge not so 1. Stedman's History of the American War. much for the sufferings of the Lowlands 2 Address to the Historical Society of New Bruns- as the terror of the capital and the pertur wick, 28th August, 1883. General de Peyster, U S. Abation of the court. In America it was 3. Memoir of Brig. Gen. Sir John Johnson, Bart. General de Peyster, U.S.A. 4. The Affair at King's Mountain, 1780. General de Peyster, U S.A. 5. King's Mountain and its Heroes. Lyman C. Draper. Cincinnati, 1881. very different. The backwoodsmen from beyond the Alleghanies, and the settlers of the Mohawk, were less amenable to discipline than even the clansmen of Bad enoch and Lochaber, or a feudal following | est; but there was another and more im from the uplands of Aberdeenshire. Fam- portant reason. It is true, as Chatham ilies were divided, but brother shot down declared, after Burgoyne's disaster, that brother, the nearness of the ties that were "a very considerable part of America was severed only intensified the savagery of yet sound, the middle and southern prov. the strife, and the long and bitter struggle inces," but the activity of many loyalists left in the minds of the actors an abiding across the Atlantic was doubtless also animosity. In Scotland the conflict was determined by the distinction which waged with somewhat of the stately cour- swayed the mind of the veteran states. tesy that marked the encounter of the man. "The Americans, contending for French and English Guards at Fontenoy. their rights against arbitrary exactions, I In America the spirit was that fierce ardor love and admire, . . . but contending for that animated the fanatical levies of the independency and total disconnection from Directory. But the real reason lies deeper England, I cannot wish them success." yet. It was given to Washington to make The disavowal of the supremacy of the the old plantations of this country a great crown, the importation of French aid, disand mighty nation; nor should we wonder tasteful even to some in arms against the if the feelings of the father still animate king, would raise the loyal spirit of many the frame of the child. In Washington's who had viewed the Stamp Act with hos references to his countrymen who took tility, and resented the closing of the port the other side, there are expressions which of Boston. surprise us, coming from so great and magnanimous a man. How deeply the passions which left their lines on him, must have affected others, and is it strange that a nation which but recently issued from the mould, full-cast, should show some traces of its cracks amid the carvings? Yet some might expect that those who make liberty their watchword would be more tolerant of opposition, than the maintainers of an established monarchy. It is not so the Jacobites are forgiven more easily than the Jacobins forgive, and the emigrés of France are pursued by an animosity which spares the exiles of Scotland. The New England "sons of lib. erty" are no exception to the rule that in revolutions liberty is rarely justified of her children. Men's ideas of past events are so governed by the coloring of what has followed, that we feel inclined, when we look more , closely into the details of that great conflict, to echo the surprise of La Fayette, though not perhaps in the same terms, "When I was in Europe, I thought that here almost every man was a lover of lib. erty. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw that Toryism was as openly professed as Whiggism itself." Indeed, it may be questioned whether the majority of the population was not favorable to the crown. And as the struggle is prolonged, the armies of the mother country seem to receive more support from local volunteers. How far this was owing to the superior enterprise of the later command ers, and how far accounted for by the prevailing temper of the localities in which they operated, are considerations of inter Even before the resort to arms, those whose feelings were with the old order had significant intimations of what awaited them in internecine strife. A system of terrorism was organized in Boston, and those who supported the government were tarred and feathered, a mode of constitutional argument which Philadelphia had afterwards the honor of applying to the wife and daughter of a Loyalist captain. And there is a good deal of information as well as humor in the writer who describes the mob "crying liberty and property, which is their usual notice of their intention to plunder and pull down a house." In New York later on we find a method of treatment applied towards suspected loyalists, which has been compared to the ostracism of the Greeks, but has a much closer resemblance to the "boycot ting "of which Mr. Parnell was the apostle. Engagements were signed "renouncing all ties of business or friendship with them," and individuals found themselves arbitrarily arrested and sent to distant places of confinement, for an offence for which, Lord Stanhope truly remarked, "the language of England scarcely affords a name, nor its history a precedent: it is best expressed in the Frenchman's phrase during their first revolutionary period, soupçonné d'être suspect." Now it has been nationalized among the varied associations which cluster round the classic name of Kilmainham. New England had commenced the contest, and was throughout most hostile to the crown. Yet when the British troops evacuated Boston, one thousand royalists were carried as fugitives in the royal fleet. "If they thought," wrote Washington, reported to him, "People are flocking in hourly, but want to be armed." When Cornwallis capitulated at Yorktown he had with him detachments from various regiments of royalists, whom continued service and hard fighting had converted into the best fighting material, and who compared with the raw militia recently embodied in the Carolinas, were practically regular troops. Among the soldiers at the same time under the standards of Clinton at New York were 2,140 Provincials. "It is curious," says General de Peyster, U. S. A, "to find how many Loyalist organizations had represen tatives in the return of British prisoners surrendered by Cornwallis - British Le North Carolina Volunteers, 142, etc., etc., "the most abject submission would have procured them peace, they never would have stirred." At New York the forces of the crown were welcomed as deliverers, and recruited by a militia enrolled in New York, Long Island, and the Jerseys. Kyphausen "raised in 1779-80 six thousand good troops among the citizens of New York," and the historian Stedman, who acted as commissary general to Lord Cornwallis, and is one of the most reliable authorities on the American war, estimates that during the contest the British armies were swelled by from twenty-five to thirty thousand provincials. These troops were originally clothed in green, but as the war advanced they adopted the national scarlet. General Greene had urged on Wash-gion, 241 men; Queen's Rangers, 320; ington the desirability of burning New York before evacuating it, as "two-thirds of the property of the city and suburbs belong to the Tories," and some expressions of John Jay show how the feeling of the country ran. "Had I been vested with absolute power in this State, I have often said, and still think, that I would last spring have desolated all Long Island, Staten Island, the city and county of New York, and all that part of the county of West Chester which lies below the mountains." When Cornwallis advanced into the Jerseys, "numbers daily flocked to the royal army," while, on the other side, those who were gallantly sustaining an unfavorable campaign, found time to remark, "Your noisy Sons of Liberty are, I find, the quietest in the field." When in their turn the Americans advanced, they found that in some districts almost every house had a red rag nailed on the door as the badge of loyalty. After Brandywine, Washington describes the country in which he was operating as "almost to a man disaffected," and shortly before he had marched his army through the streets of Philadelphia to awe the disaffected in that city. It is at first sight surprising, but perhaps ought not to be, when we think of their experiences in New England, to read that the British troops were cordially welcomed by the Quakers, when Howe entered the city from which Con- The American author above quoted, to gress had issued its decrees. When next whose courtesy we are indebted for much year Clinton withdrew from it, three thou-interesting and valuable information, cites sand loyalists accompanied him; yet in spite of this exodus, those who came in observed " many gloomy countenances among more joyful ones." Far to the north, also, Burgoyne had his force increased by hundreds of royalists, and shortly before the action at Bennington, the commander of his advanced guard 66 total, 720 men. Even the New York (Loyal) Volunteers, who decided the battle proper of Eutaw Springs, 8th Sept., in South Carolina, had one captain, one ensign, and one private with Cornwallis; the Third New Jersey Loyal Volunteers, Virginia Loyal Volunteers, King's Loyal American regiment, General de Lacy's Battalion of New York, North Carolina Independent Company, etc., were likewise represented." The variety of regimental designation indicates the extent of the sympathy which recruited these corps, and an incident of the capitulation shows the bitterness of feeling which prevailed between Loyalist and Republican. Cornwallis proposed as one of the articles that none were "to be punished on account of having joined the British army," and the reply of Washington was, "This article cannot be assented to, being altogether of civil resort." It was only under cover of another stipulation, and with the connivance of Washington, that Cornwallis was enabled to obtain safety for his Loyalist supporters. He was allowed to send immediately after the capitulation a vessel with despatches to New York, and to convey in her as many soldiers as he chose, the ship to be returned, and the men accounted for as prisoners of war in a future exchange. in his memorials of Sir John Johnson, some pregnant remarks from the pen of a very able Federal general. "The more I read and understand the American Revolution, the more I wonder at our success. I doubt if there were more than two States decidedly Whig, Massachusetts and Virginia; Massachusetts (morally) over. lapped New Hampshire, and the northern | press feelings which shook his iron heart. part of Rhode Island, and dragged them Nature soon obtained the mastery, and he after her. . . . The population of south burst into tears. After weeping with unern Rhode Island and Connecticut were controllable bitterness for a few moments, divided, more loyal than rebel. New he shook his ancient friend by the hand, York was Tory. New Jersey, eastern ejaculating with difficulty the words of part followed New York, western part benediction, God bless you, Theophi Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania was Tory. lus!' and spurring forward turned his Maryland was divided; North Carolina back forever upon his native valley." partly followed her, partly South Carolina. The services of the provincial troops South Carolina had many Tories; Georgia were rendered all over the continent, but followed South Carolina. Two parties there are two phases of the struggle speconstituted the strength of the Whigs,cially interesting, both as illustrating Loy. the Democratic Communists of Massachu- alist suffering and Loyalist effort, and as setts, and wherever their organization extended, and the (provincial) aristocracy of Virginia, which was loyal to the king, but would not bend to the aristocratic Parliament." The most dangerous leaders of revolution have often been found in dissatisfied and ambitious deserters from an aristocratic connection; the history of one of the British political parties is the record of the combination of a section deeply imbued with aristocratic sentiment, with the forces of democracy, engrossing the lion's share of place in return for the adoption of propaganda; and in the American contest we find the greatest of popular revolutions, on which was built the polity which is the favorite exemplar of democrat and demagogue, indebted for its staying power to the aristocratic principle, embodied in the territorial magnate of Mount Vernon. But if such was the feeling of Virginia, the leading families of New York furnished many brave officers to the loyal cause, and the Major Drummond whose personal influence brought in two bundred recruits, was emulated by others. Of these perhaps the most distinguished was Colonel James de Lancey, known by his enemies as " the outlaw of the Bronx," and described as "the terror of the region" in which his operations were carried on. He raised a battalion of Loyal Light Horse, characterized by the royal governor as "truly élite of the country," and contended on no unequal terms with Washington himself, whose "first offensive design" after his junction with his French allies, the destruction of De Lancey's Legion, "failed completely." For this gallant cavalier, the issue of the war meant exile forever from his old home, and there is something very pathetic in the narrative which describes him riding for the last time to bid his neighbors farewell, and take one last look at the scenes of his childhood. "It was in vain," says the annalist, "that he struggled to sup turning on the two actions, which at different periods in the strife, and in very distant scenes of operation, gave the determining impetus to the course of events. Competent judges find in Oriskany the critical check, which involved Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga; the disaster of King's Mountain unhinged the subsequent scheme of conquering the north from the south, and was the prelude to Yorktown. American authors point with legitimate pride to the fact that in both these fiercely fought battles the combatants were almost wholly native-born. The one was a defeat, the other a victory, but the results of both were reaped by the colonists. Oris. kany, however, acquires for us its main interest as an event in the career of one who was probably the most eminent of all the American Loyalists, Sir John Johnson. The story of his life is instructive in more ways than one. It tells with emphasis how rapine provokes retribution, it illustrates in effective colors the true democratic interpretation of the watchwords "Liberty and Property," and it throws very suggestive and significant light on the great American problem of the relations between the white and red races so differently dealt with in Canada and the States. Sir John was the son of a remarkable man, Sir William Johnson, who had received a baronetcy for his services in the campaigns connected with the conquest of Canada. The capturer of Fort Niagara in 1759, he was British superintendent for Indian affairs, and the great influence he exercised and the trust reposed in him by the celebrated Indian Confederacy of the Six Nations, obtained for him the epithet of "the Indian-tamer." He had opened to emigration the valleys of the Mohawk and the Schoharie, and there" at Johnson Hall he lived in truly baronial state," adored by the Indian neighbors whom he protected, and loved by the European colonists who were his tenants. He kept the Iroquois the "Romans of America". from joining in the conspiracy of Pontiac, and negotiated the peace which ended the last great effort of the Indian tribes to beat back the wave of European encroachment. His son, Sir John, while quite young, accompanied him on his campaigns, had an independent command when little more than of age, and was knighted by the king for his own services during his father's lifetime. He was living quietly at Johnson Hall in 1775, relying upon a solemn treaty by which the Six Nations bound themselves not to take arms against the Congress, if Sir John was left unmolested, when his own connection, General Schuyler, was suddenly sent with four thousand men to disarm him and his loyal neighbors in Johnstown, and break up a settlement of Highlanders then being formed on his estate. A conference was held, the Indian chiefs acting as mediators, the surrender of arms was made, and Schuyler began his return march to Albany, with the leading men of the Highlanders as prisoners. But on the pretence that in the delivery of arms, the Highlanders had kept back some leathern pouches and a few dirks, he halted and held the capitulation as broken. A scene of indiscriminate plunder ensued, even the church was looted, and the vault in which Sir William was buried broken open, and his bones scat tered about. One episode gave a name to the expedition, for from the wanton slaughter of a large flock of peacocks, and the decoration of the "patriots" with their feathers, the Loyalists knew it as Schuyler's Peacock Expedition. Perpetually harassed by the Albany Committee, Sir John learned that he was to be personally seized, so "with a few Loyalists and some steady, true friends of the Mohawk Indians," he left his home, and making his way, in the depth of winter, through the woods of the wild region known as the Adirondack Wilderness, after a fortnight's privations arrived safely in Canada. Sir John had been obnoxious to the revolutionary committee in his neighborhood for two reasons. He represented that superior power resting on personal character and social influence, as well as official position, which had held the balance between the native race, and the reckless and grasping settlers and traders whose outrages along the border land had been the seed of many a massacre. But further, it is said, "Some of the greater as well as the lesser lights of patriotism had already cast longing glances upon his rich possessions in the Mohawk valley. Its historian tells us that in a successful rebellion the latter counted upon dividing his princely domains into snug little farms for themselves." So beloved and trusted was he by the Mohawk Indians, that "the whole nation, to a man, followed him into Canada," so feared as well as envied by the Albany Committee, that they seized his wife, a lady of unusual beauty and accomplishments, and threatened her with death should he take the field on the royal side. On the way to Albany she was obliged to take with her in the carriage the commander of the party, by trade a cobbler in Connecticut, who had only made himself respectable by appropriating a suit of her husband's clothes. In the course of the winter she made her escape with three children, one born since her captivity, a nurse, and a faithful negro, and after many adventures, at last found herself on the banks of the river which separated the British and American posts. The fact that the ice was breaking up, had made the Americans think it unnecessary to put a guard at the spot, but while Lady Johnson rested for a little in a deserted cottage, a soldier came in, and taking her for its owner, told her that he was searching for some ladies who had arrived in a sleigh driven by a black. He added that he thought "his captain didn't much approve of being sent woman-hunting." No sooner was he gone than Tony the negro was called from another house where he had been hiding; he managed to secure a boat whose owner was reckless enough to dare anything for a few dollars, and they pushed into the stream. Dangerous as the passage was from the masses of ice driven about by the current, Lady Johnson was more alarmed by the fact that her baby had ceased to cry. Half an hour was spent in crossing; and then, though the British tents were in sight, they had to plunge for a mile through deep snow to the line of sentries. At last they were met by a party of Indians, who "received with their usual composure the announcement of the lady's name," but sent off immediately a couple of messen. gers to the camp, where Sir John was himself at the head of the Loyalist regiment he had raised, and wrapping the lady and her child in warm furs carried them to headquarters. Suddenly the old negro joyfully exclaimed that Sir John was coming, but at the very moment its mother fainted in her husband's arms the |