organization of the Congress of Nations, composed of delegates from such powers as should choose to be represented there, each delegation to be as numerous as the nation sending it should choose, but entitled to only one voice or vote; and the reception of new members is provided for. 3d. I have mentioned some of the subjects to be discussed, such as the rights of belligerents toward each other, and the possibility of lessening the physical evils of 4th. I have treated of the rights of belligerents toward neutrals, which should be clearly defined; and, 5th, the rights of neutrals established and enlarged. 6th. I have also touched on some principles of a civil nature, which might be settled by this Congress of Nations.

war.

II. 1st. I have, secondly, given my views of a Court of Nations organized by the Congress, for the peaceful adjudication of such international disputes as should be referred to it by the mutual consent of any two or more contending nations; and, 2d, I have given some examples, taken from both ancient and modern history, of institutions somewhat similar to a Congress and Court of Nations, among which, I dwelt particularly on the Congress of Panama, and showed the reasons of its failure reasons not likely to occur again; and, 3d, I have given an account of some of the attempts of private individuals and peace societies to call the attention of mankind to this subject.

III. 1st. I have also stated the common objections which are raised against a Congress or Court of Nations, and have endeavored to answer them; and

have, 2d, stated some of the reasons which we have to hope that this plan will, at no distant day, be carried into effect; and, 3d, have endeavored to show a few of the benefits which would accrue from it. 4th. I have shown the means by which this great work may be accomplished; and, 5th, produced a few of the arguments, to show that it is the duty of every man to do all he can, to assist in bringing it forward.

IV. In conclusion, I would only remark, that if we have done no other good, by procuring and publishing these Essays, we have set up a landmark, for the guidance of those who may succeed us. When the American Peace Society first entered on this work, there were only two Essays in the whole world on the subject, viz., Penn's and St. Pierre's, both very meagre, crude and undigested. Beside these, we had only what could be gathered from Sully's account of the Great Scheme of Henry IV. Now within these ten years, there have been about fifty dissertations written, many lectures delivered, and petitions presented to State legislatures, and resolutions, favorable to the plan, passed. Petitions have also been presented to the American congress, with a report on them widely circulated, and a petition to the British parliament; and the subject has been much discussed, both in public and private, and there has been evidently a great advance in public opinion, in favor of the plan, which needs only to be fully and extensively understood to insure its adoption by all the enlightened nations of Christendom; which adoption will insure

the extension of Christendom to the earth's remotest bounds. Finally, to adopt the language of St. Pierre, at the close of his Dissertation, "We cannot, indeed, take upon us to say that the sovereigns of Europe [and the republics of America] will actually adopt our plan, but we can safely say, that they would adopt it, if they only knew their own true interests; for it should be observed, that we have not supposed men to be such as they ought to be, good, generous, and disinterested, and public spirited, from motives of humanity; but, on the contrary, such as they really are, unjust, avaricious, and more solicitous for their private interest, than for the public good. The only supposition which we have made is, that mankind have sense enough, in general, to know what is useful to them, and fortitude enough to embrace the means of their own happiness. Should our plan, nevertheless, fail of being put into execution, it will not be because it is chimerical, but because the world is absurd; and there is a kind of absurdity in being wise among fools."

APPENDIX.

No. 1.

Extracts from the "Speech of Don Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, Minister from Peru, at the opening of the American Congress of Panama, on the 22d of June, 1826."

THIS day, the great American Congress, which is to be a council in the hour of conflict, the faithful interpreter of treaties, a mediator in domestic contentions, and which is charged with the formation of our new body of international law, has been organized and invested with all the powers competent to attain the important and dignified end for which it is convoked. All the precious materials are prepared to our hand. A world regards our labors with the deepest attention. From the most powerful monarch, to the humblest peasant of the Southern continent, no one views our task with indifference. This will be the last opportunity for the attempt to prove that man can be happy. Let us, then, proudly stand forth the representatives of millions of freemen, and, inspired with a noble complacency, assimilate ourselves to the Creator himself, when he first gave laws to the universe.

Animated with celestial fire, and looking steadily and with reverence to the Author of our being, difficulties the most appalling shrink into insignificance. The basis of our confederation is firm: Peace with the whole world; respect for European governments, even where their political principles are diametrically opposed to those acknowledged in America; free commerce with all nations, and a diminution of imposts on the trade of such as have acknowledged our independence; religious toleration for such as observe different rites from those established by

our constitution. How emphatically are we taught by the blood which fanaticism has spilt, from the time of the Jews to the commencement of the present century, to be compassionate and tolerant to all who travel to the same point by different paths. Let the stranger, of whatever mode or faith, come hither; he shall be protected and respected, unless his morals, the true standard of religion, be opposed to the system given us by the Messiah. Let him come and instruct us in agriculture and the arts. Let the sad and abject countenance of the poor African, bending under the chains of rapacity and oppression, no longer be seen in these climes; let him be endowed with equal privileges with the white man, whose color he has been taught to regard as a badge of superiority; let him, in learning that he is not distinct from other men, learn to become a rational being.

As respects ourselves, two dangers are principally to be avoided. The desire of aggrandizement in one state at the expense of another, and the possibility that some ambitious individual will aspire to enslave and tyrannize over his fellow-citizens. Both of these are as much to be apprehended, as the weak efforts of the Spaniards are to be contemned. Human passions will always operate, and can never be extinguished; nor, indeed, should we wish to stifle them. Man is always aspiring, and never content with present possessions; he has always been iniquitous, and can we at once inspire him with a love of justice? I trust we can. He has had a dire experience of the ravages which uncontrolled passion has caused.

Sully and Henry IV projected a tribunal which should save Europe from the first of these calamities. In our own day, Gordon has written a treatise on the same subject. This assembly realizes the laudable views of the king and the philosopher. Let us avoid war, by a common and uniform reference to negotiation.

Above all, let us form one family, and forget the names of our respective countries in the more general denomination of brothers; let us trade without restrictions,-without prohibition,-let articles of American growth be free from duty in all our ports-let us give each other continual proofs of confidence, disinterestedness and true friendship; let us form a body of public law, which the civilized world may admire; in it, a wrong to one state shall be regarded as an injury to all, as in a well-regulated community, injustice to an individual concerns the rest of the republic. Let us solve the problem as to the best of governments. The form which we adopt, securing to individuals all possible benefit, and to the nation the greatest advantages, is that which, beyond doubt, reaches the greatest felicity of which human nature is susceptible, the highest perfection of human institutions.