present modes of redress-objections to the proposed Congress, and circumstances favorable to it, and some other topics. The reader will observe that these topics are not much handled by the other writers; and, though much good would result to the world from the discussion of them in a Congress of Nations, there are other subjects of sufficient importance to call a general convention of delegates from all civilized and Christian nations.

The fifth Essay was written by a gentleman of New York, who chooses to remain unknown. This Essay was offered with the others, and was one of those marked as deserving of the prize; but was subsequently withdrawn, and published in a volume by itself. As the greater part of the published volume consists, like most of the rejected Essays, of an introduction to the subject, or general remarks on Peace and War, only the concluding remarks of that Essay are republished in this volume, as the only part bearing particularly on a Congress of Nations. Many good and original ideas will be found in this Essay.

Of the sixth and last Essay, it does not become us to say much. The author has endeavored to comprise all the thoughts on a Congress of Nations, contained in the rejected Essays, worth preserving. He differs from all the other Essays, either accepted or rejected, in dividing the subject into two parts, viz., a Congress of Nations, for the purpose of settling the principles of international law; and a Court of Nations, for the adjudication of cases submitted to it by the mutual consent of two or more contending nations. He has studied brevity, perspicuity, and arrangement, rather than a fine style of writing. His Essay

B

consists chiefly of a statement of facts, the general history of former attempts at a Congress of Nations, and of the peace enterprise in this country and in Europe, so far as it relates to a Congress of Nations, together with a copious Appendix, containing many of the petitions to legislative bodies, and all their reports and resolves on them.

With the question of the lawfulness of defensive war, or its consistency with the spirit of the gospel, these Essays have nothing to do. It is entirely irrelevant to the subject. This is common ground, on which men, of opposite sentiments with respect to the consistency of defensive war with the gospel, may meet; provided only that they are friends of Peace, and prefer it to war, and allow to civil governments the power of seeking the things which make for Peace.

The repetition of ideas is not so great in these Essays as one would expect. The subject being new, different thoughts have been elicited; and this was the chief object in offering the premium. There is doubtless great imperfection in any plan of an international congress, which has ever been devised. But a man of moderate talents, by always viewing a subject by itself, and intensely beholding it, and examining it in all its bearings, will understand it better than a superior genius who gives it only a passing notice. If the publication of these Essays shall attract the attention of some man of superior talents, and induce him to offer a better plan for the abolition of the custom of war, the chief object of the American Peace Society, in publishing these Essays, will be answered. The conversation of two obscure individuals, concerning the distribution of the Bible in Wales, gave rise to the

British and Foreign Bible Society,—the parent of all the other Bible societies in the world. May a similar success attend the endeavors of the friends of Peace of the present generation.

In order to obtain this result, it is necessary that this volume, or some better treatise on the subject, should be distributed as widely as possible. It is the intention of the American Peace Society to present a copy of it to the President of the United States, the heads of departments, the Governors of every State in the Union, to every foreign ambassador in Washington, and to every crowned head in Europe, and to the executive of every republic in America.* The London Peace Society are expected to assist in the general circulation of the volume, and to present a copy of it to every foreign ambassador in the principal courts in Europe. They have engaged to take two hundred and fifty copies of the work. It is desirable that all our colleges, academies and law schools, and all our public libraries should be furnished with a copy; and for this purpose those friends of Peace, who have subscribed for more than one copy, are requested to present a volume to those institutions which may be in their neighborhood.

The London Peace Society have offered a premium of one hundred guineas for the best Essay on Peace and War, and twenty guineas for the second best, in which it is

*The Hon. John Q. Adams, who has read all these Essays, thus expresses himself, in a letter, dated September 4, 1838, to the President of the American Peace Society: "The publication of the five dissertations, and the distribution of them among the princes and rulers of nations, will awaken and keep alive the attention, both of Europe and America, to the subject."

expected that a Congress of Nations will form a prominent feature; and it is expected that they will invite the friends of Peace in this country, and on the continent of Europe, to write for the prize. We hope that many Essays will go from this country; and that thus, by a mutual interchange of sentiment, and the action of mind upon mind, and of opinion upon opinion, a plan will at length be struck out, which will unite all the friends of Peace in both hemispheres in the object; and then governments must follow, of course, for OPINION rules the world; and, though we cannot expect perfection in the first attempt, we may reasonably expect that great good will be done, many wars be prevented, and their evils diminished; and that, at length, nations will submit all their disputes to the decision of reason, like rational creatures, and no longer look to brute force as the only arbiter of national disputes; and that, finally, the useless sword will be beaten to a ploughshare, and the nations learn war no more.

But these great events cannot be expected without a sacrifice, and the prominent friends of Peace have been called to make great individual sacrifices to maintain their cause. It is probable that even this book will cause great individual sacrifice, considering the numbers distributed gratuitously, the payment of the premiums to the successful writers, and the very low price at which the book is put to subscribers. Of this they do not complain; but they know that they are not able, even with these great sacrifices, sufficiently to support the cause. It requires much printing, lecturing and preaching, to bring the world to the same state of opinion and feeling on this subject which prevails in the State of Massachusetts, where the

cause is better understood than in any State in the Union; and hence the favorable results in her Legislature. When this shall have been effected, we know that the great plan of a Congress of Nations must go into operation, and millions of money saved, a small part of which would now insure success.

BOSTON, FEBRUARY, 1840.

WILLIAM LADD,

GEO. C. BECKWITH.