These manufacturers have shared this United States market all they can. To have absorbed the losses sustained when foreign manufacturers sell over one-third of the United States market, has placed the industry where many faetories are not breaking even while others have closed. The workmen, management, and the stores which serve the many small communities of which these factories are the sole support, must have protection or these areas will soon become ghost towns. There are many of these critical situations arising in the States of West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. To abandon handmade production of any kind in this country is a serious mistake, for it is the backbone of our mass-production economy.

Table and art glassware:1 United States imports for consumption, by principal sources, in 1950, 1951, and 1952 (monthly average), and January and February 1953

1 Covers imports under tariff paragraphs 218 (d), 218 (f) (except Christmas-tree ornaments), 218 (g), and certain classes under 230 (d) all of which consist largely of table and art glassw are.

2 Preliminary.

About 10 percent (by value) of all imports are not reported by quantity and are therefore excluded from these data.

Included in West Germany in 1950-51.

Less than $500.

Source: Compiled from official statistics of the U. S. Department of Commerce.

NOTE. Total imports of table and art glassware amounted to $3,453,736 in 1950; $4,648,144 în 1951; and $4,709,098 in 1952.

Mr. Chairman, in summation, I make my presentation by pleading the cause of that great segment of our industrial economy that has, since 1934, borne the brunt of foreign competition. Up to now, it has largely been small individually and locally owned plants unable to engage in mass production that have suffered most. Today, many of our large basic industries are threatened with destruction.

On Thursday of last week, the House voted to authorize the Import-Export Bank the sum of $100 million to be used in aiding the cotton, tobacco, and wheat farm groups in disposing of their surplus products abroad. In face of this generosity, would it be unfair to ask for subsidies for domestic producers of other agricultural and industrial products in order to save their American markets?

It is high time we quit coddling big business and selfish farm groups. It is time to see that the "forgotten groups" that have not been under the protective wings of the reciprocal-trade policies, are given equality of treatment.

It is time we place our cards face up on the committee table. If we see a spade, let's call it a spade. If we see a world cartel controlling the distribution and price of crude oil and its derivatives, let us tag it as a world oil cartel. The Justice Department has taken a look. They have made many serious charges as they have gone to Court. Shall this committee sit idly by and see the coal and

other allied industries submerged in this caldron of boiling oil and then crucified on a cross of "black gold"?

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, it is too good to hope that one of my colleagues from the minority on your committee, will as they have recently to other witnesses, suggest that I have made a statesmanlike approach to the subject. Should one of them do so, I will understand and consider it as a gesture of help. I can assure you I have no intention of denying anything my office staff may have said about reciprocal trade policies.

Speaking less facetiously, may I suggest to the members of the committee that you take a stroll past the marble palace that houses our highest Court. Look at the inscription over the entrance, "Equal Justice Under Law." That, gentlemen, not "More Trade and Less Aid," is my plea.

Mr. BAILEY. Mr. Chairman, in summation, I make my presentation by pleading the cause of that great segment of our industrial economy that has, since 1934, borne the brunt of foreign competition. Up to now it has largely been small individually and locally owned plants not able to engage in mass production that has suffered most. Today many of our large basic industries are threatened with destruction. On Thursday of last week the House voted to authorize the ImportExport Bank the sum of $100 million to be used in aiding the cotton, tobacco, and wheat farm groups in disposing of their surplus products abroad. In the face of this generosity, would it be unfair to ask for subsidies for domestic producers or other agricultural and industrial production in order to save their American markets? It is high time we quit coddling big business and selfish groups. It is time to see that the forgotten groups that have not been under the protective wing of trade policies are given equal treatment. It is time we place our cards face up on the committee table.

If we see a spade, let's call it a spade. If we see a world cartel controlling the distribution and price of crude oil and its derivatives, let us tag it as a world oil cartel. The Justice Department has taken a look. They have made serious charges and have gone to court. Shall this committee sit idly by and see the coal and other allied industries submerged in this caldron of boiling oil and crucified on a cross of black gold?

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, it is too good to hope that one of my colleagues from the minority on your committee will, as they have recently to other witnesses, suggest that I have made a statesmanlike approach to the subject. Should one of them do so, I will understand and consider it a gesture of help.

I can assure you that I have no intentions of denying anything that my office staff may have said about the reciprocal trade agreements policy. Speaking less facetiously, Mr. Chairman, I suggest that the members of your committee take a stroll past the marble palace that houses the highest court in our land. Look at the inscription Over the entrance, "Equal Justice Under Law."

That, gentlemen, not more trade and less aid, is my plea.

And now, Mr. Chairman, there is one more special favor. If you will permit. I would like to add a thought to my prepared statement, I appreciate your favoring me with your attention, but I have a feeling that by testimony, like that of all other witnesses who have been appearing in support of H. R. 4294, may have fallen on deaf ears. I come to that conclusion because I have read in the newspapers that the case is already closed, that some kind of arrangements were made

with the administration to extend the Trade Agreements Act without including the protective provisions of H. R. 4294.

Call this a deal or call it a compromise, gentlemen, I hope that such is not the case. But I do realize that so much pressure has been extended by the administration that even the Cabinet officers were told to come down here and not to spare the horsepower. If it is humanly possible, I hope that this committee will resist that pressure and take the whole issue under serious advisement before carrying out any so-called compromise regardless of what the understanding might have been. I fought the inequities of the Trade Agreements Act when it was being advocated by the leaders of my own party. I remember the opposition party voiced hallowed protests to the prevailing policies and expressed alarm at my party's failure to provide protection for our people against cheap foreign goods. I remember that the man who is now majority floor leader of the United States Senate went so far as to issue a special statement in behalf of the coal industry of a committee after the Senate made a study of the very conditions that I have discussed today. Shipments of foreign residual oil into this country have increased considerably since that time. and unemployment has been greatly aggravated as a result. So I assume that the majority floor leader would be proportionately further agreed. But I wonder if he is prepared to express distaste for the so-called understanding with the White House that we are told is in the process of being consummated. No, gentlemen, there can be no compromise; a deal with the White House, perhaps, but do not let us call it a compromise.

There is a principle involved here, and principles can never be compromised.

Thank you, gentlemen.

Now, if there are any questions I may answer, I will do that.

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for your presentation and the contribution you have made to the information of the committee. Are there any questions?

There are no questions. We thank you, sir.

Mr. BAILEY. Thank you, gentlemen. It is very kind of you not to do so.

Mr. EBERHARTER. I want to say that he made a very statesmanlike statement. Most of these 20 pages of statistics referred to West Virginia, did they not?

Mr. BAILEY. That is right.

Mr. EBERHARTER. It is 50 pages of testimony. Do you want that all in the record?

Mr. BAILEY. I want it all in the record. I have requested that it be placed in the record.

Mr. EBERHARTER. Thank you.

Mr. BAILEY. Thank you again, gentlemen.

The CHAIRMAN. Congressman Perkins? I am going to ask you if you would be willing to yield to Mr. Golden, who has to leave, I believe, on a very important matter. His statement will be very brief. Mr. PERKINS. I will be delighted to, Mr. Chairman.

The CHAIRMAN. Will you state your name and capacity in which you appear?

STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES S. GOLDEN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF KENTUCKY

Mr. GOLDEN. James S. Golden, representing the Eighth Congressional District of Kentucky.

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I represent in Kentucky one of the great bituminous-coal sections of the United States. There are 7 of my 18 counties that are exclusively coal-producing counties with no other industry except coal. We have in that district some of the largest mines of the world and also some of the smaller mines.

Congressman Jenkins a moment ago asked one of the witnesses what effect the present situation was having upon unemployment. I might say, for the benefit of the record, that there are approximately 30,000 coal miners in my district, and my best estimation is that because of the importation of foreign fuel oil there are 15,000 coal miners out of work.

In my home county of Bell, beginning at the upper end of Straight Creek, which is a large coal-mining section, the Coleman Fuel Co. has closed down. That is a large mine that used to employ four or five hundred men. The Pioneer Coal Co. has closed down. Little Creek Coal Co. has closed down. And, going in the other direction, the Four Mile Coal Co. has closed down, and one of the largest coal mines in our county operated by the Southern Coal Mining Co. at Colmar, Ky., is now in the process of closing down.

This thing is spreading. It is getting worse and, although the rest of the country has a reasonable degree of prosperity, we are in a depression. It is vitally affecting the economy of all Kentucky.

Besides my district, there are other large coal-mining districts in Kentucky, one represented by my colleague, Mr. Perkins, who has about the same situation that I have. And then in western Kentucky we have a very large coal-producing area. Outside of farming, coal mining is the principal industry in Kentucky, in that the industry employs more men and brings more money to our people than any other industry.

We are being paralyzed by the situation that now prevails. I do not want to take up too much of the valuable time of this committee, but I want to say some things to this committee that I think are of vital interest to the people of the United States.

One of those is that you cannot wrap up the coal mines of this Nation, as Mr. Van Zandt said, and keep them in mothballs for a year. If you do, you have destroyed the coal industry of the United States. These coal mines go back under the earth and there are millions of tons of weight upon those coal mines.

If they are not constantly worked and constantly propped, they fill with water and millions of tons of rock and slate fall in those mines. The company goes broke and the men scatter. We cannot wait for a year to get relief for this vital industry that much of America depends upon.

Another thing which I wish to call your attention to is that you cannot have steel unless you have bituminous coal. You cannot make steel unless you have bituminous coal. If this great industry is para

lyzed, with possibly 600,000 men that work in and around the mines, and 200,000 other men who have invested capital and work in the stores and represent the companies, there are 800,000 men that are vitally and directly connected with the bituminous-coal industry of this Nation.

In addition to that, in my home district, there have been 4 or 5 regular freight trains that have been pulled off and are discontinued. We have 2 regular passenger trains that, in the last 12 months, have been pulled off and discontinued. It vitally affects the railroad industry, the steel industry, as well as the coal industry. If there are as many as 200,000 railroaders that are adversely affected, then you have more than 1 million men in America that could be prostrated if this great essential industry is allowed to collapse. Those million men, they are mostly men with families. You possibly will have 5 million Americans that are adversely affected unless this great committee gives us protection.

Now I want to say another thing to you: There is a school of thought prevailing here in the United States where we should have practically free trade of all commodities with the rest of the world. I hope this committee does not surrender to this administration or any other administration its power to dictate the policies of the United States.

In thinking of free trade as opposed to protecting essential American industries, permit me to call your attention to the fact that if we do have free trade, we have to compete with the low standards of living in many parts of the world, and with low devalued currencies in many parts of the world, and with low wages paid to the working people in many parts of the world. How can we reconcile opening our doors to free trade without this great committee protecting American industry, without bringing down our standard of living and reducing our American industries to the levels of the rest of the world?

We cannot survive in times of peace or in times of war, unless we continue to protect American industry.

I have a written statement, Mr. Chairman, that I would like to file. The CHAIRMAN. Without objection it will be made a part of the record.

(Mr. Golden's prepared statement follows:)

STATEMENT OF JAMES S. GOLDEN, OF KENTUCKY

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, appreciate this opportunity to appear before your committee and to express my views on what I consider one of the most important subjects that will have to be met and dealt with and determined by this session of Congress.

I represent a district in Kentucky composed of 18 counties and 6 or 7 of those counties are very large producers of bituminous coal. Outside of farming. mining and marketing coal is not only the principal industry but about the only industry that we have. Also, in the entire State of Kentucky, outside of farming, it is my understanding, and I think it is true, that the mining and marketing of bituminous coal is the largest industry in the State and furnishes the largest income and furnishes work to more people than any other industry in the State. While the rest of the country, in a large part, has been enjoying prosperity over the last few years, yet in southeast Kentucky, which I represent, on account of the frequent closing of large and small coal mines, we have had many thousands of men unemployed and that section of the country is in a depression. It is my belief that over southeast Kentucky the production of coal is off between one-third and one-half of what it produces in normal times and is very much under what it produces in prosperous times.