This "leader" was, according to some accounts, an Ottawa chief; according to others, the son of a chief. At all events he was a popular if not an important man, and his death was severely revenged by one of his relatives, in the massacre of Captain Campbell. That gentleman had been detained a prisoner ever since the proposal of a capitu. lation, together with his friend McDougall. The latter escaped a day or two before the skirmish, but his unfortunate comrade was tomahawked by the infuriated savage. One account says, "they boiled his heart and ate it, and made a pouch of the skin of his arms!" The brutal assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive of the vengeance of Pontiac, and it is but justice to the memory of that chieftain to say, that he was indignant at the atrocious act, and used every possible exertion to apprehend the murderer.

The reinforcement mentioned above as expected, arrived on the 26th of July. It was a detachment of three hundred regular troops. Arrangements were made the same evening for an attack on the Indian camp. But by some unknown means Pontiac obtained information of the design, and he not only removed the women and children from his camp, but seasonably stationed two strong parties in ambuscades, where they were protected by pickets and cord-wood, and concealed by the high grass. Three hundred men left the fort about an hour before day, and marched rapidly up the bank. They were suffered to reach the bridge over Bloody-Run, and to proceed about half way across it, before the slightest movement indicated that the enemy was aware of their approach. Suddenly a volume of musketry was poured in upon the troops; the commander fell at the first discharge, and they were thrown into instant confusion. A retreat was with some diffi culty effected by driving the Indians from all their positions at the bayonet's point, but the English lost seventy men killed, and forty wounded.

This was the last important event attending the prosecution of the siege. A modern author observes, that Pontiac relaxed in his efforts, that the Indians soon began to depart for their wintering grounds, and that the various bands, as they arrived in the spring, professed their desire for peace. Such seems to have been the case at a much earlier date; for we find it stated under date of the 18th of August, (1763,) that "the Hurons, who begin to be wearied of the war," had brought in and given up eight prisoners. The writer adds, that "the Hurons and Pouteouatamies, who were partly forced into the war by the menaces of the Ottawas, begin to withdraw." Pontiac had been so confident of success as to have made some arrangements, it is said, for dividing the conquered territory with the French; and several Indians planted fields of corn. But his warriors grew weary of the siege, and his army was at this time reduced to about five hundred.

Where or how he passed the winter, we are not told. But his movements were still watched with anxiety, and the garrison at Detroit, especially, seem not to have thought themselves safe from his operations, from day to day. "We have lately been very busy," says a respectable writer, under date of December 3, 1763, "in providing

abundance of wheat, flour, Indian corn and pease, from the country, in which we have so far succeeded as not to be in danger of being starved out." It further appears, that detachments of the enemy were still in the neighborhood: "the approach of Major Wilkins' party had a very good effect; the enemy moved farther off. 'Tis said that Pondiac and his tribe have gone to the Mississippi, but we don't believe it." Again, "the Wyandots, of Sandusky, are much animated against us; they have been reinforced lately by many villains from all the nations concerned in the war." So late as March 25th, we are told that "about twelve days ago, several scalping-parties of the Pottawatamies came to the settlement, &c. We now sleep in our clothes, expecting

an alarm every night."

But the reign of terror maintained by the movements of Pontiac was drawing to its close. The power of the civilised party was too much for a combination like his. General Bradstreet, with a force of three thousand men, proceeded to Niagara early in the summer of 1764, on his way to the northwest. Here a grand council was held, at which nearly two thousand Indians attended. One account says there were representatives present from twenty-two different tribes, including eleven of the western,—a fact strikingly indicating the immense train of operations managed by the influence of Pontiac. Many of his best allies had now deserted the chieftain. The traveller, Henry, who was under Bradstreet's command, mentions that he himself was appointed leader of ninety-six Chippewas of the Sault de Sainte-Marie, and other savages, under the name of the Indian battalion. "Me," he adds, "whose best hope it had very lately been, to live through their forbearance." It ought to be observed, however, in justice to the men who were thus led against their own countrymen and kinsmen, that by the time the army reached Fort Erie, their number was reduced to fourteen by desertion.

On the arrival of the army at Detroit, which they reached without opposition, all the tribes in that region came in and concluded a peace, with the exception of the Delawares and Shawanees. But Pontiac was no more seen. He not only took no part in the pending negotiation, but abandoned the country, and repaired to the Illinois.

We find no authority for the assertion of Carver, that henceforward he laid aside his animosity for the English; and still less, that "to reward this new attachment, Government allowed him a handsome pension." Even this writer admits that his conduct "at length grew suspicious." Rogers, on the other hand, who had good opportunities of knowing the facts, says, that while "some of the Indians left him, and by his consent made a separate peace, he would not be personally concerned in it, saying, that when he made a peace, it should be such a one as would be useful and honorable to himself, and to the king of Great Britain. But he has not as yet proposed his terms."*

This account bears manifest marks of correctness. It agrees with many other illustrations of a magnanimity which might have made

Pontiac a fit comrade for the knights of the middle ages. But confirmations of it may be found elsewhere. It was the common belief of the times, that he had gone among the Illinois, with a view of there holding himself in readiness for whatever might happen to the benefit of the great cause for which he was resolved to live and die; and probably, also, to use active measures as fast and as far as might be advisable. The following passage occurs in an authentic letter from Detroit, dated May 19, 1765.

*

"Pondiac is now raising the St. Joseph Indians, the Miamies, the Mascontins, the Ouiattenons, the Pians and the Illinois, to come to this place the beginning of next month, to make what effect they can against us; for which purpose he has procured a large belt for each nation, and one larger than the rest for a hatchet' for the whole. They are to be joined by some of the northern Indians, as is reported. This, they say, is to be an undertaking of their own, as they are not to have any assistance from the French. * When Pondiac left the Miamies, he told them to remain quiet till he came back; it should then be all war, or all peace.' * * I make no doubt of their intention to perform what we have heard of, though I don't think it will come to any head. I am likewise well convinced, if Pondiac be made to believe he would be well received at this place, he would desist from any intention he may have; but it will be impossible to convince him of that, while there are such a number of traitorous villains about him. You can't imagine what infamous lies they tell," &c.

It appears from this testimony, that Pontiac had at this period reengaged in his plan of combination. It would also appear, that he was instigated by some of the French; for it is believed that only individuals among them were guilty of the practices alleged. Those at Detroit conducted themselves amicably, even during the war; and some of them, we have seen, volunteered to fight against the Indians. Still, where Pontiac now was, there would be the best possible opportunity of exerting a sinister influence over him, there being many Frenchmen among the Illinois, and they not of the most exemplary character in all cases. On the whole, it seems to us probable, that while the last mentioned combination was really "an undertaking of his own," it might have been checked at any moment, and perhaps never would have commenced, had not Pontiac been renewedly and repeatedly prejudiced against the English interest by the artifice of some of the French, and perhaps some of the Indians. However his principles in regard to that subject might remain unchanged, no abstract inducement, we think, would have urged him to his present measures under the circumstances to which he was now reduced. But, be that as it may, the principles themselves need not be doubted; nor can we forbear admiring the energy of the man in pursuing the exemplification and vindication of them in practice. His exertions grew only the more daring, as his prospects became more desperate.

But his death at length ended at once his disappointments and hopes, together with the fears of his enemies. This event is supposed to have taken place in 1767. He was assassinated, at a council held among

the Illinois, by an Indian of the Peoria tribe. Carver says, that "either commissioned by one of the English Governors, or instigated by the love he bore the English nation, the savage attended him as a spy, "and being convinced from the speech Pontiac made in the council, that he still retained his former prejudices against those for whom he now professed a friendship, he plunged his knife into his heart, as soon as he had done speaking, and laid him dead on the spot.”

As to what is here said of professed friendship, the writer evidently alludes to his own previous assertion, which we have shown to be unfounded, and for which we are still unable to perceive the slightest grounds. Still several of these suppositions, though only to be received as such, are probably true. There is little doubt that Pontiac continued firm in his original principles and purpose; that he expressed himself without disguise; that he endeavored to influence, and did influence, a large number of his countrymen; and that the Peoria savage, whether a personal enemy or a "spy" or what is most probable, both, (a spy because an enemy,)-did assassinate him with the expectation, to say the least, of doing an acceptable service to some foreign party, and a lucrative one for himself. We need not assert that he was "commissioned by an English Governor." Pontiac was an indefatigable and powerful man, and a dangerous foe to the English. He was in a situation to make enemies among his countrymen, and the English were generally in a situation and disposition to avail themselves of that circumstance.

From the manner of life adopted by the chieftain subsequent to the treaty at Detroit, it might be inferred, perhaps, that he became alienated from the northern tribes, including his own, who had been his best friends, or that they became alienated from him. We are inclined to believe, on the contrary, that their negotiations took place "by his consent," as has been stated heretofore; and that he removed southward, as well with a view to their good, (as regarded the friendship of the English,) as at the same time for the purpose of re-commencing his own operations upon a new theatre, and with fresh actors. He would thereby gain new influence, while he would lose little or

none of the old.

This supposition is confirmed by the well-authenticated fact that the Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the Pottawatamies-some writers add the Sacs and Foxes-made common cause in the revenge of his death. Following that principle with the customary Indian latitude of application, they made war upon the Peoria tribe. The latter associated with themselves, in defence, the Kaskaskias, the Cahokias, and the Illinois; but to no purpose. The two latter tribes are believed to have been wholly exterminated, and of the former only a few families remain. "The memory of the great Ottawa chief," says a distinguished historian of that section, "is yet held in reverence among his countrymen: and whatever is the fate which may await them, his name and deeds will live in their traditionary narratives, increasing in interest as they increase in years."

The astonishing influence exerted by this remarkable man so long

as he lived, may be inferred from the period of peace which succeeded his death and the punishment of his murderer, still more forcibly than from any circumstances we have noticed. It has been seen that more than twenty tribes, who had engaged in his combination, appeared at the Niagara council. His movements are believed to have been felt as far east as among the Micmacks of Nova Scotia. As far south as Virginia, they were not only perceptible, but formidable in the highest degree. The agitation produced among the inhabitants of a part of our western territory, within a few months, by Black Hawk and his associates, scarcely illustrates the similar excitement which, in 1763, prevailed over a much larger portion of the continent. A few passages from periodical publications of that date will give a better conception

of the truth.

"New York, June 13th, 1763.

"We hear that on Monday last arrived an express from Pittsburg, advising that a party of Indians had murdered Col. Clapham and all his family."

*

"Fort Pitt, May 31st.

"There is most melancholy news here. The Indians have broken out in divers places, and have murdered Col. C. and his family. An Indian has brought a war belt to Tusquerora, who says Detroit was invested, and St. Dusky cut off. All Levy's goods are stopped at Tusquerora by the Indians; and last night eight or ten men were killed at Beaver creek. We hear of scalping every hour. Messrs. Cray and Allison's horses, twenty-five, loaded with skins, are all taken."

*

*

*

“Fort Pitt, June 16th. towns, and by to-morrow Every morning, an hour

"We have destroyed the upper and lower night shall be in a good posture of defence. before day, the whole garrison are at their alarm posts. Ten days ago, they killed one Patrick Dunn, and a man of Major Smallman's; also two other men. Capt. Callender's people are all killed, and the goods taken. There is no account of Mr. Welch, &c. Mr. Crawford is made prisoner, and his people all murdered. Our small posts, I am afraid, are gone."

*

*

"Fort Bedford, June 8th. "On Tuesday, one Smith was attacked, and by an Indian without arms, at Beaver creek, who endeavored to put him under water; but Smith proving too strong for him, put the Indian under water, and brought off a piece of his ear, and left him."

*

*

Albany, June 16th.

"You must have heard of the many murders committed on the English, by different tribes of Indians, at different places, which makes many fear the rupture is or will become general among the southern tribes. Lieut. Cuyler, with a party

We have accounts, &c.