the third picture to which he would refer was one whch was purchased from a gal an advertisement, and a considerable expense would thus be incurred. A circular had also been printed, and any person re-lery at Turin. It was formerly attributed to quiring a copy might have it. JAMAICA IMMIGRATION. Moretto, but it was now said to be by Moroni. He must conclude, however, that it was not a genuine picture of that master, and that it was altogether a painting of an MR. GILPIN said, in the absence of the inferior character. Seeing that so large Secretary of State for the Colonies, he an expenditure of public money had been would beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the made in those purchases, he could not help Exchequer whether the Government assent calling the attention of the Chancellor of has been given to the Jamaica Immigra- the Exchequer to the subject, for it amounttion Bill. Also, if the Papers on Immi- ed, in his opinion, almost to a malversation gration, which the Right hon. Baronet of the National Funds. The mistake which thought would be ready by the 31st of had been made in those purchases he could March, are yet ready. And, if the follow- only attribute to an error in judgment; he ing Papers will be ready to be laid before should not even insinuate a graver charge. Parliament previous to its Dissolution :But that the public money had, in the inReturns of the number of Immigrants from stances to which he had just adverted, India and China who have been introduced been improperly laid out, he was prepared into the British East or West India Colo- to maintain, and he should, upon some nies since 1835; with a Statement of the future occasion, be prepared to bring the mortality on the passage; the duration of subject more at length under the notice of the voyage; of the number who have left the House. Purchases such as those each Colony to return home; of those who lowered and deteriorated our collection of died there; of those who have become pictures, and he therefore could not sit chargeable as paupers or otherwise on the silent while paintings which he would not Colony; how those that remain are em- say might be referred to the class of meployed; and a Statement showing what diocrity, but which were almost entirely proportion of the expenses on Immigration worthless, were placed in the National account has been paid out of the funds of Gallery. each Colony, and how much out of the Imperial Exchequer ? THE DISSOLUTION.-QUESTION. VISCOUNT PALMERSTON: Sir, I hope THE NATIONAL GALLERY.-QUESTION. the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of MR. CONINGHAM said he wished to the Admiralty will not find fault with me ask the Right hon. Gentleman the Chan- when I say that the question I am about cellor of the Exchequer a question with re- to put to the right hon. Gentleman opposite spect to some recent purchases of paintings will be decidedly of an electioneering chawhich have been made for the National racter. All I wish to ask is this, whether Gallery. He perceived that three purchases of early Italian pictures had been recently made. One of them was said to be a picture of Marco Bassaiti, which he had carefully examined, and with respect to which he had consulted persons who had great experience in the purchase of pictures, who entirely agreed with him in the opinion that the whole surface of the picture had been restored, and that it had been so stippled over as to have been rendered worthless and worse than useless. In fact it was a disgrace to a national institution where none but models in art ought to be exhibited. There was also a picture by Cima de Conegliano which presented a most unfavourable specimen of restoration, and which he believed had been purchased for the National Gallery from some French dealer in Paris. VOL. CLIII. [THIRD SERIES.] Her Majesty's Government have come to any decision at present as to the day on which the dissolution is to take place, and whether the writs will be issued on that day; or, if not, on what other subsequent day they will be issued? I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman will excuse me for making this inquiry, because it is a matter in which great anxiety is felt by all parties, for it is exceedingly inconvenient to them, having regard to their various arrangements, to be kept in suspense as to the time when the elections will take place. Therefore, if Government will give us some positive information on this subject, I am sure they will be conferring a positive obligation. THE CHANCEL 3 N the stamp duties on his patent of appointment. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had submitted a case to the Attorney General, who agreed with him in thinking that Secretaries of State were liable for the fees in question, and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had given directions to enforce payment of them, not only from his noble Friend, but from some of his predecessors. Motion agreed to. House at rising to adjourn till Monday next. Notice taken, that Forty Members were not present; House counted; and Forty Members not being present, The House was adjourned at Llf-past HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, April 18, 1859. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS,—2a Remission of Penal ties. 3 Pauper Maintenance Act Continuance; Local Government Supplemental; Public Offices Extension; Naval Medical Supplemental Fund Societies Annuities, &c., Act Continuance; Consolidated Fund (Appropriation); Exchequer Bills (£13,277,400); Confirmation and Probate Act (1858) Amendment. hon. Member for Brighton (Mr. Coningham), that inasmuch as he was unaware that it was his intention to bring the subject of the recent purchases made for the National Gallery under the notice of the House, he was at the present moment quite unprepared to enter into any criti cism of the pictures which he had mentioned. The subject was, however, one which was of great importance, and he should endeavour to obtain that information with respect to it which would be expedient for the guidance of the Government as to the course which ought to be taken in reference to the National Gallery. In reply to the questions of the hon. Mem. ber for Northampton (Mr. Gilpin), he had only to say that the Jamaica Immigration Act had been confirmed by Her Majesty in Council; that the papers which had been promised to be laid before Parliament by his right hon. Friend the Secretary for the Colonies were so voluminous that he was afraid, although they were in progress, it would not be in the power of the Government to lay them before Parliament before the dissolution took place, and, lastly, that no Returns relating to the number of emigrants from China to the West Indies had reached the Colonial Office. The question which had been put to him by the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton was one which it was rather difficult to answer in so precise a manner as he could desire. All he could say in reply to it was, that the Government would advise Her Majesty to prorogue and dissolve Parliament during Passion week, and that, so far as he could form an opinion, the new Parliament might meet by the 31st of May. It was, how-short discussion took place with respect to ever, impossible for him at present to fix on the precise day for either the prorogation or dissolution; but he should probably be in a position to speak more definitely on the subject on Monday next. It might be convenient for public reasons that the House should sit a day or two longer than he anticipated, and it would not be right that the issue of the writs should take place on Good Friday; but, generally speaking, Her Majesty would, as he had said before, be advised to prorogue and dissolve Parliament in the ensuing week, and, as far as he could calculate, the new Parliament would meet about the 31st of May. He had to state, in reply to the question of the hon. Member for Lambeth (Mr. W. Williams), that his noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. had thought that he was not bound to pay THE RED SEA TELEGRAPH. LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, it would be in the recollection of their Lordships that on Friday night a the Red Sea Telegraph, when the noble Earl at the head of the Government was understood to state that the guarantee would not take effect until the contractor had delivered into the hands of the com pany the line in an efficient working state. A letter had since appeared in The Times, signed by Mr. Peel, the secretary of the company, stating that the guarantee would take effect from the time the contract was entered into between the company and the contractor. He wished to know which version was correct. It was reported, moreover, that an instalment had actually been paid by the Treasury to the company, although no Vote had been taken in the House of Commons, and the Bill had not passed through Parliament. THE EARL OF DERBY admitted that his statement on Friday night was in some respects incorrect. What he wished to convey was, that the liability of the Government was, to a certain extent, although not altogether, covered by the contract which the company had entered into with the contractor. If the contractor should fail in executing the work, the company would be entitled to proceed against him for non-performance of contract, and the Government, on the other hand, would have the same right to recover from the company any advances which it might be disposed to make. It was true that a payment had been made by the Treasury in anticipation of a Vote by the House of Commons, but that was no more than what had been done in all previous cases of a similar kind. The late Government, indeed, made a contribution to the Mediterranean Extension Company in the shape of an actual payment, not simply of an advance, and it did so without the sanction of Parliament. He thought, however, that this was not a very regular course, and he hoped that in future no such payments should be made except out of funds provided by Parlia. ment. LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY was understood to say, that in the case of the Mediterranean Extension no money was paid until the line was completed. THE EARL OF DERBY said, that his observation did not apply to the completion or otherwise of the line, but referred to payment having been made without the authority of Parliament. DISTURBANCES IN TRAVANCORE. MOTION POSTPONED. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY said, the noble Earl (the Earl of Shaftesbury) had given notice of a Motion for Papers relating to the late disturbances in Travancore. He had now to make an appeal to the noble Earl to postpone his Motion, in order that he (the Earl of Malmesbury) might at once make the statement which he had promised to their Lordships. THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY said, that the question which he wished to bring before their Lordships was one of great importance, but as it was not of such immediate interest as that to which the noble Earl referred, he could have no hesitation in postponing his Motion. He might, perhaps, take that opportunity of giving notice that he should in the next Parliament call the attention of their Lord THE STATE OF EUROPE. MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY: My Lords, I must begin by returning thanks to my noble Friend for his courtesy in giving way to me on this occasion. I hope that your Lordships, whom I have twice disappointed before, when I promised to make a statement upon the position of affairs in Europe, will believe, not that it was from any reluctance on my part to lay before you all the information which I might be permitted by public duty to give, but that I thought that by waiting three or four days longer, I might be able to give to your Lordships more fully that information which you looked forward to with so much anxiety. Your Lordships will easily recall to your recollection what was the state of Europe at the commencement of this year. On its very first day we were alarmed by the additional proof which was supposed to have been given by some words addressed by the Emperor of the French to the Austrian Ambassador at Paris, that the relations between France and Austria was not so satisfactory as we should all desire them to be. That belief on the part of the public was very soon strengthened by several incidents to which it is not necessary that I should advert. But while the relations of France, Austria, and Sardinia were certainly in an unsatisfactory and indeed in an alarming condition, the relations of this country with the whole world were, on the contrary, of a most satisfactory character. My Lords, I do not say this with any desire to obtain credit for Her Majesty's Government, because I know that questions of peace and war are in hands higher than those of men; but it is remarkable that at that time the position of this country and its relations with all other States, great and small, in both hemispheres, were those of the most profound peace and tranquillity; and this I say, because in the events which subsequently took place England was from this circumstance and from her power the coun- | sessions that our feeling towards Austria try which in all Europe was best qualified is less sympathetic than it would otherwise to act as mediator and negotiator between be. It is because when in possession of the States whose relations were not in that that part of Italy she has not, as we happy condition. I need not go at any think she ought to have done, wisely relength into a discussion of the relation oc- stricted herself to the management of cupied by Austria towards this country. her own affairs, and to the amelioration of Your Lordships know that the feelings of the condition of her own people, but has Englishmen towards the Austrian people been induced by political reasons to interhas ever been to regard them as very an- fere with other States of Italy, and has cient allies, who have been sharers in the thus become unpopular, not only in that events which are recorded in some of the country, but to a certain degree, as far as most glorious pages of our history; and her administration goes, also in this. It whose fate has heretofore been bound up is in private life a most dangerous and unwith that of our own country; that we are popular employment to be a constable to of the same Teutonic origin, that our re- preserve the peace of a village or city. Ausspective geographical positions are such tria has assumed this position in Italy. By that no jealousy can exist between us; and keeping in awe those populations which that therefore our sympathies are, for all could not be restrained by their own rulers these reasons, entirely with the Austrian she has not only assumed a great deal of people. But, by Lords, if for these rea- what I should call unnecessary unpopu sons our sympathies are given to the Aus- larity, but has also diminished her strength trian people, so, on the other hand, they in her own part of Italy; and there can are, to a certain extent, alienated from be no doubt that if her policy in this rethem by the signal difference which exists spect was changed she would both secure between the two Governments. Theirs is the peaceful possession of her own doan essentially despotic Government, and minions and strengthen her political im ours an essentially free one; and there portance over the rest of the peninsula. certainly exists-neutralizing the feelings My Lords, with respect to Sardinia our which I have described as prevailing be- feelings are different, and the contrast is tween the two nations-another feeling as remarkable. We are not of the same race regards the Government of Austria which or the same descent as the people of that arises from that difference between the re- country, and therefore there is no symspective Governments. My Lords it ap- pathy of race or of descent between us and pears to me that it is in Italy especially them; but there is such a resemblance bethat the Austrian Government has given tween our Governments; they are so nearrise to this feeling with respect to its ad- ly identical in character that the greatest ministration. No Minister of this country, desire for the prosperity of Sardinia has and I believe no subject of Her Majesty, always existed in this country. We have will deny the validity of the claims by always admired the way in which she mainwhich Austria holds her Italian domi- tained her liberties, and has made hernions. She possesses them by inherit- self a living refutation of those assertions ance, by conquest, and by treaty; and which have been constantly put forth, that these are the same titles, by which Her constitutional Governments are impossible Gracious Majesty holds the kingdom of in Italy. For some years her Government Scotland, her empire of India, and some proceeded in a peaceful and prosperous of the colonial dependencies of the British manner, and when she was obliged to have Crown and these are- the rights of in- recourse to arms her behaviour and her heritance, of conquest, and of treaty. My deeds were admired by all men in this Lords, her Italian possessions have been country. But, my Lords, more lately, I am secured to Austria by treaties which our sorry to say, she appears to have forgotten Sovereigns have signed, and those treaties that her mission in Italy is one of examare not only held sacred by every person ple, and that she ought to stand forth as in this country who is interested in politics, a model and a pattern to the other States. but are looked upon as of the greatest She seems to have forgotten that military consequence to the security of the whole glory may be an appanage of constitutional of Europe, and as engagements which Government, but that it is not its object. must be upheld by any Government which She seems to have forgotten that every administers the Affairs of Great Britain. victory gained which is not in support of It is not, therefore, on account of her pos- the principle of self-defence and self-pre servation of her own liberties would be a fruitless victory, and one which would involve her in great difficulties with other countries. It is under these circumstances that the Italian difficulties have arisen; and it is for these reasons, which I have imperfectly sketched, as far as I can understand them, that the position of the northern part of Italy is such as we see with so much regret. My Lords, Austria and Sardinia being in this position with respect to one another, and with respect to public opinion in Italy and Europe, there remains another great empire which did not look on with indifference on what took place in Italy. That empire, I need not say, is France. Now, my Lords, it is difficult for Englishmen, and for an English Minister, to understand by what process of reasoning, and by what principle of sound policy the ruler of that prosperous country should be induced to interfere with other nations, and to involve himself in the difficulties in which they are involved. Of all countries in Europe, France has the finest climate and most equal soil. Her wealth and resources are capable of almost incalculable improvement, and there is ample room for the energies of her people and those of her Government in bringing her to a much higher state of prosperity and development than she now enjoys. But, my Lords, France in her policy has deemed it fit to unite herself completely with the cause of Sardinia, and appeared determined at the time to which I have referred to assert her right of interfering in the affairs of Italy, and of restricting what she regarded as the encroachments, both moral and material, of the Austrian empire in that country. My Lords, this could be seen only with regret by her faithful ally, Great Britain. one would suppose us, or would suppose any English Minister, capable for a moment of assisting the Austrian legions against the subjects of the Emperor of Austria. That is utterly foreign to our principles and our policy all over the world. It is contrary to our policy to interfere in the internal arrangements of foreign nations, to seek to emancipate them from any real or supposed oppression, or to endeavour to change their existing institutions. We accept the revolutions which they bring about by their own hands and their own judgments. We recognise their de facto Governments. It is, therefore, not easy for us to understand the policy under which France appeared to be de No sirous of taking part in a contest in which she had no direct interest. My Lords, the state of things in Italy daily grew worse, and at the end of the month of February it reached such an alarming point that, as I have already told your Lordships, Lord Cowley was sent to Vienna. Before he went there he came to a perfect understanding with the Court of France as to their ideas respecting the Italian difficulty, and he had a complete knowledge of the particular points which the French Government seemed anxious to reform and to settle. At Vienna he was received, as I informed your Lordships before, with the greatest frankness and cordiality by the Austrian Government. Lord Cowley and Count Buol, the Austrian Prime Minister, discussed those points calmly and with all the feeling of personal friendsas they were-and of political allies. I cannot, indeed, venture to predict what would have taken place under those circumstances; but I must say I believe that if the negotiations had followed the course in which they were first commenced-if Lord Cowley had been permitted to continue as the sole mediator between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria, the negotiations would have been further advanced, and we should have had a greater hope of ultimate success than we have at present. I say this, my Lords, because, if one mediator alone had been employed-such a mediator as Great Britain, through her Ambassador, Lord Cowley - I think that difficulties would have been avoided which are naturally brought forward when a more formal and complex mediation is placed before the eyes of Europe. My Lords, when Lord Cowley returned on the 16th of March to Paris he found that some communications had been going on between Russia and France, the result of which appears to be that Russia proposed that a Congress should sit upon the affairs of Italy, that Congress to be composed of the five great Powers. This was stated to me first by the French Ambassador in London, who told me that such a Congress was to be proposed, and asked whether I should approve it; observing that France entirely supported it, and wished to know what England was inclined to do. My Lords, my conviction with regard to the best means of settling these matters was that which I have just explained to you; but I felt that if that plan should fail a very heavy responsibility would fall upon me if I refused |