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sible government." A Colonial electorate too fickle,
individualistic and unstable for such a trust, however
suited to other conditions. The dangers are too great
to throw off active Imperial control. Durham is un-
reliable and inaccurate.

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This and the three following documents were ad-

dressed as open letters to Lord John Russell in reply

to his speech of June, 1839 (No. CXXXVI.). Howe

agrees with Durham that the lack of "Responsible

Government" is the foundation cause of all the

troubles in the Colonies. Is the withholding of it due

to a suspicion of Colonial loyalty? That loyalty will

bear full examination. Government by Executive

Councils as absurd and unjust as it is futile. Efforts

at reform only prove "the cure worse than the dis-

ease." No real remedy except Lord Durham's. The

dangers? None in reality. The result? The people

satisfied and happy. Does dependence in an Empire

imply a different form of constitutional government

than in England? If so, why, by what right, govern-

ment by a minority? Will a majority be more "dis-

loyal" governing themselves than when under the

irritation of minority rule? Is Her Majesty in mortal

terror because the majority of the citizens of London

govern the city? Does any one, except in a spirit of

humour, imagine the Lord Mayor declaring war on

France? Would we do it in Canada? Suppose we

did, you could easily check us.

CXXXVIII. Joseph Howe to Lord John Russell, September, 1839

Examines Russell's objections to Responsible Govern-

ment. The Governors could, under it, be made re-

sponsible to the Assembly, as the Ministers of the

Crown in England are held responsible. They would

be bound by the same limitations, and there would be

neither more nor less invasion of the sovereignty of the

Crown. Suppose they receive unconstitutional advice

from a Colonial Ministry-what then? May not this

equally occur in England? The irresponsibility of

Governors at present is humourously but trenchantly

analysed. Suppose a typical "Governor" made Mayor

of Liverpool, with all the present bag and baggage of

"instructions," "despatches," and all the present

method of government as known in the Colonies-"he

must be an angel of light indeed, if we does not throw

the good city of Liverpool into confusion." What

answer to the "confusion"? The "Mayor" can blame

someone else can throw the responsibility on the

"Colonial" Office. "No form of Government could

well be devised more ridiculous." The "Mayor's" offi-

cials-the "Executive"-are à fortiori more irrespon-

sible.

CXXXIX. Joseph Howe to Lord John Russell, September, 1839 . 497

The questions involved are those of local government,

not of Imperial concern. Russell fears for foreign

affairs. Let his own words be the answer to his fears:

the Governor must stand by his duty to allow no inter-

ference (cf. No. CXXXVI.). A colony declare war?

Only conceivable by irresponsible madmen. Russell's

"imaginary" cases only fertile creations which Cana-

dians laugh at. Discusses trade and commerce and

shows that difficulties, if any, are as great under "irre-

sponsible" as "responsible" government.

CXL. Joseph Howe to Lord John Russell, September, 1839 . 503

Russell may ask, and rightly ask, what is proposed as

reform. Howe replies: he will leave to the Imperial

Parliament foreign affairs; control of naval and mili-

tary forces; the regulation of colonial trade with the

Mother Country; that interference with the colonies

similar to that with any incorporate town in England

in extreme cases. Let the Colonial Secretary's duties

be only "watchful supervision." Let him have no

right to meddle in any internal affairs. Let the Gov-

ernors, who are usually on their arrival like ignorant,

"overgrown school boys,” find themselves surrounded

by "schoolmasters" who have the confidence of the

people, and not by those who only represent them-

selves, or a minority, or the whims of their Excel-

lencies' predecessors. The Governors could then "do

no wrong in any matter of which the Colonial Legis-

lature had the right to judge." Discusses the details
of reform by contrast with the evil ramifications of
the old system of government. Under "Responsible
Government" might not Papineau and Mackenzie have
never existed as rebels; perhaps have developed into
constructive statesmen?

CXLI. An Act Amending 1 & 2 Victoria, c. 9 (2 & 3 Victoria,
c. 53), 1839

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514

anxious endeavour to call to your councils and to em-

ploy in the public service those persons, who by their

position and character, have obtained the general con-

fidence and esteem of the inhabitants of the Province."

Military affairs, emigration and the land question
require serious attention. Municipal institutions de-
mand immediate and special consideration. In Upper
Canada, finances and the Clergy Reserves are pressing
questions. Her Majesty is determined to maintain
the connexion between the United Kingdom and the
American Colonies.

CXLIII. Lord John Russell to Poulett Thomson, October 14, 1839. 522

Must refuse any explanation of "Responsible Govern-

ment" which would imply a surrender to the petitions

and addresses. The Imperial Parliament has already

expressed its opinion on the matter (No. CXXIV.).

There can be no proposals entertained on the subject.

Cabinet government impossible in a colony. Colonial

Councils cannot advise the Crown of England. Impos-

sible to reconcile the responsibility of the Governor

to the Crown with a responsibility on his part to his

Council. Impossible also to define the power of the

Governor and the privileges of the Assembly. The

only rule is "a wise moderation" by each.

CXLIV. Lord John Russell to Poulett Thomson, October 16, 1839. 524

The tenure of subordinate colonial offices during the

pleasure of the Crown has generally come to mean a

tenure during good behaviour. This must cease. Any

sufficient motive of public policy or a change in the

person of the Governor will in future be sufficient

reason for changes in officials. The judges are ex-

cepted. Pensions and indemnities may be necessary,

but the rule must be enforced as often as the public

good demands it.

CXLV. Poulett Thomson to Lord John Russell with the Address

and Resolutions from the Lower Canadian Special

Council in favour of Union, November 18, 1839 . 525

Special Council of Lower Canada adopts plan for

union. There is naturally much diversity of opinion

owing to the Rebellions, but almost everyone sees the

necessity for change.

CXLVI. Poulett Thomson to a Friend, November 20 and Decem-

ber 8, 1839

Describes his successes, in favour of the union, in

Lower Canada. Has fears for a similar result in

Upper Canada-the country of factions, where the

"Constitutional party is as bad or worse than the

other, in spite of all their professions of loyalty." The

finances, the House of Assembly-in fact, everything
in Upper Canada-in a chaotic state.

CXLVII. Poulett Thomson to the Legislature of Upper Canada,

December 7, 1839

Outlines the Government's plans for union. Delay in

proposal not due to wavering, but to a desire to con-

sult the Upper Canadian Legislature in order that the

union may be as just as possible. Thomson asks the

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