able party, still supported the hopes of the republicans against the visible and strong current of the national opinion in favour of monarchy, the solicitous apprehension of Milton for the general result, and his indignation at the outrages of the army are discovered in a letter to a friend, dated October the 20th, 1659; which with another paper, addressed, as it is believed, to Monk and entitled "The present Means and brief Delineation of a free Commonwealth," was first published by Toland, and is well worthy of the reader's attention.

After an interval of a few months, he inscribed to Monk, who now seemed to command the issue of things, "The ready and easy way to establish a free Commonwealth;" a piece intended rather to expose the evils necessarily consequent to the nation's relapse into its old vassalage under kings, and to demonstrate the preference of a republican to a monarchical government, than to propose any just model of a popular constitution. In this work, as well as in his "Brief Delineation," he shows himself to be fearful of an unqualified appeal to the people; and deems them incapable of determining with wisdom for their own interests. "Another way," as "will be to qualify and refine elec

he says,

tions; not committing all to the noise and shouting of a rude multitude; but permitting only those of them who are rightly qualified to nominate as many as they will, and out of that number others of better breeding to choose a less number more judiciously, till, after a third or fourth sifting and refining of exactest choice, they only be left chosen, who are the due number and seem by most voices the worthiest." With the strong prepossession of a party-zealot, he deserts his general principle for the attainment of his particular object; and thinks that his own opinions ought to be enforced in opposition to those of the majority of the nation. Aware also that a frequent change of the governing body might be attended with inconvenience and possible danger, he decides against frequent parliaments, and in favour of a permanent Council. Into such inconsistencies was he betrayed by his animosity to monarchy, and his bigotted attachment to whatever carried the name of a republic. With all its defects however, and raised indisputably on a false foundation, this treatise exhibits many striking truths and places them in strong attitudes. Its description of the extravagancy

t P. W. iii. 416.

and corruption of a court has been cited by Toland; and I shall transcribe some of its passages, which must have been read with interest by the nation when suffering the disgraceful reign of Charles, and when subsequently indebted to a generous foreigner and to a small part of its own aristocracy for a restitution of its rights. But the people had now been wronged beyond their patience, and the persuasion of an angel's tongue would have failed in the attempt to bring their passions into any subordination to prudence.

“But admit, that monarchy of itself may be convenient to some nations; yet to us, who have thrown it out and received it back again, it cannot but prove pernicious. For kings to come, never forgetting their former ejection, will be sure to fortify and arm themselves sufficiently for the future against all such attempts hereafter from the people; who shall be then so narrowly watched and kept so low, that though they would never so fain, and at the same rate of their blood and treasure, they never shall be able to regain what they now have purchased and may enjoy, or to free themselves from any yoke imposed upon them: nor will they dare to go about it; utterly disheartened for the future, if these their highest attempts prove

unsuccessful; which will be the triumph of all tyrants hereafter over any people that shall resist oppression; and their song will then be, to others, how sped the rebellious English? to our posterity, how sped the rebels your fathers?"

"They had their longing, but with this testimony of God's wrath; "Ye shall cry out in that day because of your King whom ye shall have chosen, and the Lord will not hear you in that day." Us if he shall not hear now, how much less will he hear when we cry hereafter, who once delivered by him from a king, and not without wonderous acts of Providence, insensible and unworthy of those high mercies, are returning precipitantly, if he withhold us not, back to the captivity from whence he freed 'us? Yet neither shall we obtain or buy at an easy rate this new gilded yoke which thus transports us: a new royal revenue must be found, a new episcopal; for those are individual: both which being wholly dissipated, or bought by private persons, or assigned for service done, and especially to the army, cannot be recovered without general detriment and confusion to imen's estates, or a heavy imposition on all men's purses; benefit to none but

to the worst and ignoblest sort of men, whose hope is to be either the ministers of court riot and excess, or the gainers by it: but not to speak more of losses and extraordinary levies on our estates, what will then be the revenges and offences remembered and returned not only by the chief person, but by all his adherents; accounts and reparations that will be required, suits, indictments, inquiries, discoveries, complaints, informations, who knows against whom or how many, though perhaps neuters, if not to utmost infliction, yet to imprisonment, fines, banishment, or molestation? if not these, yet disfavour, discountenance, disregard, and contempt on all but the known royalist, or whom he favours, will be plenteous. Nor let the new royalized presbyterians persuade themselves, that their old doings, though now recanted, will be forgotten; whatever conditions be contrived, or trusted on."

"This liberty of conscience, which above all other things ought to be to all men dearest and most precious, no government more inclinable not to favour only, but to protect, than a free commonwealth; as being most magnanimous, most fearless and confident of its own fair proceedings. Whereas kingship,