As the Colony has arrived at that point of its advancement, which renders it fitted for Free Representation by a Legislative Assembly, we cannot better employ a few pages of our present number, than in considering the benefits likely to accrue from such an Assembly, as well as the manner in which it ought to be formed and constituted, in order to imbue it with that protecting and beneficial power, which can alone conduce to the best interests and welfare of the people. That this is not only a most important subject, but one, also, whose discussion is fraught with many difficulties, is sufficiently apparent to any person, who has bestowed the most trifling thought upon the matter; for the condition of this Colony-so peculiar in every point of view-is certainly an obstacle of no slight degree, to the easy accomplishment of an object so momentous. But, although there be an obstacle, it is, by no means insurmountable; on the contrary, by exciting the energies of intelligent men, it is more likely, eventually, to lead to the happiest-because the best-consummation of a great public good; and it shall be our endeavour, in the present article, to place before the reader, in the strongest light possible, the bearings of this obstacle, that they may be fairly and resolutely grappled with, and thus finally overthrown. First of all, however, it may be necessary to offer a few observations on the actual fitness of the Colony to enjoy the inestimable benefit of governing itself, as well as of disposing of its own finances, levied, as they are, from its own inhabitants. The most ordinary and ready mode of ascertaining this point, is by a reference, first of all, to the population, and, next, to the amount of property, whether in land or merchandise, &c., possessed by this population; this will anted, in this respect, for the enjoyment atly desire; and did the matter rest here, han the formation of a Legislative Assem herody, perfectly well qualified to manage our But that it does not rest here we shall presently is already obvious enough; yet, nevertheless, from the latest returns, that the free population (inof course, emigrants and emancipists) amounts to very 7000 individuals, possessing, altogether, a very considerable dan increasing property. Of this property, the flowing estimay be considered sufficiently correct, for every needful purand we think our lordly rulers at home, wil stand agape thdomshment, when they find this "Convict Colony" someuge gai or penitentiary for the cast-of criminals £ 215,500 352,894 to the schedule of our on' as articles of ex even to diminution, wader that not only do ht take in return 1:|:ཀྱང མས ལ ཕ 1:|: ང ར ་ཚུ་ གདུང བ ་ the same **mmercial mums shilrace of the C is 100k at the roperty, which £ 900,000 403,990 209,864 Sheep 200,000 Cattle 109,660 Horses 50,000 Shipping 100,000 Manufactur £1,873,514* on the property in the Island as we pay annually to the Gosome £90,000. With this saring them in the eyes, how the 29th of July last. in the name of common sense, or common honesty, can our Downingstreet legislators refuse us the very moderate privileges we claim— and how can they attempt to stultify mankind by uttering empty nonsense about "Convict Colonies ?" But it may be urged, property, or wealth (for this is wealth) is not the only qualification, necessary for the constitution of a public legislator-nor is it; for, as was observed by one of the speakers at the Public Meeting, "we want for our Legislators men of experience and ability, unshackled by power, and free from either favour or affection-in a word, men of honorable and independent principles;" these are the men we want—and with such men, this Colony, above any other attached to His Majesty's dominions, most plentifully abounds. Here, then, both on the score of intelligence, as well as property, we have seen, that we are especially fitted for the reception of a Legislative Assembly,-elected by the great mass of the people, and having its energies and its powers directed solely and vigilantly to the advancement of the public weal : And, having shown this, why, it may be asked, are we denied this privilege? Whence arise the obstacles to its immediate and free concession? This is the very question we are now about to discuss. The principal obstacle to our emancipation, from the inadequacy and inefficiency of the present system of government, is dependent upon our peculiar connection with the British Government, as a penal settlement. Let us, in the fondness of our anticipation, be blind to this fact, if we will, but so it is. We are, by far, too valuable an acquisition to the Mother Country, to be readily relinquished; and, indeed, our own individual interests are so wrapped up and amalgamated with the present system, that, although every one is conscious of the great and permanent advantages of Taxation by Representation," still few, we think, have considered well and thoughtfully on the difficulties attending its attainment. It has been urged upon the settlers to send in their prisoner servants to the Government, that the Government may duly appreciate the great benefits conferred upon it by the employment of convict-labour. This may be good advice, but we humbly opine, that, except under very particular circumstances, no wise man would ever amuse himself with so absurd an experiment, as, it is very evident, that he would be the loser, and not the Government. Let us examine this matter, relative to convict labour, closely and calmly, for it is here, that the great difficulty will be found to exist, when the point is accurately scrutinized. We think we must admit, that the various improvements, which have been effected in the Colony-and, especially, as regards the cultivation of land—have been so effected by means of convict labour. We do not mean to say, that this labour could not have been much better accomplished by free persons, because, we truly think, under judicious and discrect management, that it might; but we have, now, show us, how far we are qualified, in this respect, for the enjoyment of the boon, we all so earnestly desire; and did the matter rest here, nothing would be easier than the formation of a Legislative Assem bly, or of any other body, perfectly well qualified to manage our Colonial affairs. But, that it does not rest here we shall presently show, nay, indeed, this is already obvious enough; yet, nevertheless, we shall discuss it. It appears, from the latest returns, that the free population (including, of course, emigrants and emancipists) amounts to very nearly 19,000 individuals, possessing, altogether, a very considerable and an increasing property. Of this property, the following estimate may be considered sufficiently correct, for every needful purpose; and we think our lordly rulers at home, will stand agape with astonishment, when they find this "Convict Colony" something more than a huge gaol or penitentiary for the cast-off criminals of England. Exports for the year 1833 Imports, consisting chiefly of British goods £ 215,500 352,894 These items, although clearly applicable to the schedule of our Colonial property, are yet to be considered only as articles of exchange, or barter, subject to fluctuation, and even to diminution, according to circumstances; but when we consider, that not only do we export useful articles to the Mother Country, but take in return so many of her goods and manufactures, employing, at the same time, no trivial portion of her shipping-we have, in our commercial transactions, something more than a mere matter of pounds, shillings and pence, to recommend us to the kind consideration of the British Government. But, if this be not sufficient, let us look at the actual and existing-nay increasing and improving-property, which is possessed by the Colonists of Van Diemen's Land." |