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as little ceremony, dissolved the house of lords. The same pretended power which robs an English subject of his birth-right, may rob an English king of his crown. In another view, the resolution of the house of commons, apparently not so dangerous to your majesty, is still more alarming to your people. Not contented with divesting one man of his right, they have arbitrarily conveyed that right to another. They have set aside a return as illegal, without daring to censure those officers who were particularly apprised of Mr. Wilkes's incapacity, not only by the declaration of the house, but expressly by the writ directed to them, and who, nevertheless, returned him as duly elected. They have rejected the majority of votes, the only criterion by which our laws judge of the sense of the people; they have transferred the right of election from the collective to the representative body; and by these acts, taken separately or together, they have essentially altered the original constitution of the house of commons. Versed, as your majesty undoubtedly is, in the English history, it cannot easily escape you, how much it is your interest, as well as your duty, to prevent one of the three estates from encroaching upon the province of the other two, or assuming the authority of them all. When once they have departed from the great constitutional line by which all their proceedings should be directed, who will answer for their future moderation? Or what assurance will they give you, that, when they have trampled upon their equals, they will submit to a superior? Your majesty may learn hereafter how nearly the slave and tyrant are allied.

Some of your council, more candid than the rest,

admit the abandoned profligacy of the present house of commons, but oppose their dissolution, upon an opinion, I confess, not very unwarrantable, that their successors would be equally at the disposal of the treasury. I cannot persuade myself that the nation will have profited so little by experience. But, if that opinion were well founded, you might then gratify our wishes at an easy rate, and appease the present clamour against your government, without offering any material injury to the favourite cause of corruption.

You have still an honourable part to act. The affections of your subjects may still be recovered. But, before you subdue their hearts, you must gain a noble victory over your own. Discard those little, personal resentments, which have too long directed your public conduct. Pardon this man the remainder of his punishment; and, if resentment still prevails, make it, what it should have been long since, an act, not of mercy, but of contempt. He will soon fall back into his natural station; a silent senator, and hardly supporting the weekly eloquence of a newspaper. The gentle breath of peace would leave him on the surface, neglected and unremoved. It is only the tempest that lifts him from his place.

Without consulting your minister, call together your whole council. Let it appear to the public that you can determine and act for yourself. Come forward to your people. Lay aside the wretched formalities of a king, and speak to your subjects with the spirit of a man, and in the language of a gentleman. Tell them you have been fatally deceived. The acknowledgment will be no disgrace,

but rather an honour, to your understanding. Tell them you are determined to remove every cause of complaint against your government; that you will give your confidence to no man who does not possess the confidence of your subjects; aud leave it to themselves to determine, by their conduct at a future election, whether or no it be, in reality, the general sense of the nation, that their rights have been arbitrarily invaded by the present house of commons, and the constitution betrayed. They will then do justice to their representatives and to themselves.

These sentiments, sir, and the style they are conveyed in, may be offensive, perhaps, because they are new to you. Accustomed to the language of courtiers, you measure their affections by the vehemence of their expressions; and when they only praise you indifferently, you admire their sincerity. But this is not a time to trifle with your fortune. They deceive you, sir, who tell you that you have many friends, whose affections are founded upon a principle of personal attachment. The first foundation of friendship is not the power of conferring benefits, but the equality with which they are received, and may be returned. The fortune which made you a king, forbade you to have a friend. It is a law of nature, which cannot be violated with impunity. The mistaken prince, who looks for friendship, will find a favourite, and in that favourite the ruin of his affairs.

The people of England are loyal to the house of Hanover; not from a vain preference of one familyto another, but from a conviction, that the establishment of that family was necessary to the sup

port of their civil and religious liberties. This, sir, is a principle of allegiance equally solid and rational; fit for Englishmen to adopt, and well worthy of your majesty's encouragement. We cannot long be deluded by nominal distinctions. The name of Stuart, of itself, is only contemptible; armed with the sovereign authority, their principles are formidable. The prince who imitates their conduct, should be warned by their example; and, while he plumes himself upon the security of his title to the crown, should remember, that, as it was acquired by one revolution, it may be lost by another.

JUNIUS.

THE END OF VOL. I.

Printed by T. Davison, Whitefriars.

Dedication to the English Nation

Preface

Page

3

7

Letter I. Junius to the Printer of the Public Advertiser 21

II. Sir William Draper's answer

III. Junius to sir William Draper

IV. Sir William Draper to Junius
V. To sir William Draper.

VI. To Junius from sir William Draper
VII. To sir William Draper

VIII. To the duke of Grafton

IX. To the duke of Grafton

X. To Mr. Edward Weston

XI. To the duke of Grafton
XII. To the duke of Grafton

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36

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XIII. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv.
XIV. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv.

XV. To the duke of Grafton

XVI. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser
XVII. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv. 99
XVIII. To sir William Blackstone

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. 103
XIX. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv. 109
XX. To the Printer of the Publie Advertiser . 118
XXI. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser.
- 127
XXII. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv. 128
XXIII. Junius to the duke of Bedford.
XXIV. Sir William Draper to Junius
XXV. Junius to sir William Draper
XXVI. Sir William Draper to Junius
. 149
XXVII. Junius to the Printer of the Public Advertiser 154
XXVIII. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser . 159
XXIX. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv. 160
XXX. Junius to the Printer of the Public Advertiser 165
XXXI. Philo Junius to the Printer of the Pub. Adv. 172
XXXII. Junius to the Printer of the Public Advertiser 176
XXXIII. To the duke of Grafton
XXXIV. To the duke of Grafton

XXXV. To the Printer of the Public Advertiser

. 178

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.184

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