AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK I. HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES. Colonial Parties-Whig and Tory. traded were compelled to do it with EngThe parties peculiar to our Colonial land. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were times hardly have a place in American imposed, and when manufacturing sought politics. They divided people in senti- to flank this policy, their establishment ment simply, as they did in the mother was forbidden by law. country, but here there was little or no power to act, and were to gather results from party victories. Men were then Whigs or Tories because they had been prior to their emigration here, or because their parents had been, or because it has ever been natural to show division in individual sentiment. Political contests, however, were unknown, for none enjoyed the pleasures and profits of power; the crown made and unmade rulers. The local self-government which our forefathers enjoyed, were secured to them by their charters, and these were held to be contracts not to be changed without the consent of both parties. All of the inhabitants of the colonies claimed and were justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by the Magna Charta, and in addition to these they insisted upon the supervision of all internal interests and the power to levy and collect taxes. These claims were conceded until their growing prosperity and England's need of additional revenues suggested schemes of indirect taxation. Against these the colony of Plymouth protested as early as 1636, and spasmodic protests from all the colonies followed. These increased in frequency and force with the growing demands of King George III. In 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the colonies required both exports and imports to be carried in British ships, and all who The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 caused high excitement, and for the first time parties began to take definite shape and manifest open antagonismis, and he words Whig and Tory then had a plainer meaning in America than in England. The Stamp Act was denounced by the Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, that stamps previously paid for should be affixed to all legal papers. The colonies resented, and so general were the protests that for a time it seemed that only those who owed their livings to the Crown, or expected aid and comfort from it, remained with the Tories. The Whigs were the patriots. The war for the rights of the colonies began in 1775, and it was supported by majorities in all of the Colonial Assemblies. These majorities were as carefully organized then as now to promote a popular cause, and this in the face of adverse action on the part of the several Colonial Governors. Thus in Virginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia Assembly, when it seized the opportunity to pass resolves instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending joint action by the legislatures of the other colonies. In the next year, the same body, under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, Washington, Wythe and other patriots, officially deprecated the closing of the 66 though some were sent by the popular branches of the colonial legislatures. In July, and soon after the commencement of hostilities, Georgia entered the Confederacy. port of Boston, and set apart a day to implore Divine interposition in behalf of the colonies. The Governor dissolved the House for this act, and the delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into a committee, signed arti- The Declaration of Independence, passed cles of association, and advised with other in 1776, drew yet plainer lines between the colonial committees the expediency of Whigs and Tories. A gulf of hatred sepa'appointing deputies to meet in a general rated the opposing parties, and the Tory correspondence"-really a suggestion for was far more despised than the open foe, a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- when he was not such, and was the first ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the sought when he was. Men who contend year before, and it had then been approved for liberty ever regard those who are not by town meetings in Providence, Boston for them as against them-a feeling which and New York. The action of Virginia led to the expression of a political maxim lifted the proposal above individual advice of apparent undying force, for it has since and the action of town meetings, and called to it the attention of all the colonial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the incipiency of these political movements, that the people were practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized the drift and danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive taxes and imposts. The war went on for colonial rights, the Whigs wisely insisting that they were willing to remain as colonists if their rights should be guaranteed by the mother country; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, were willing to remain without guarantee -a negative position, and one which in the high excitement of the times excited little attention, save where the holders of such views made themselves odious by the enjoyment of high official position, or by harsh criticism upon, or treatment of the patriots. found frequent repetition in every earnest campaign. After the adoption of the Declaration by the Continental Congress, the Whigs favored the most direct and absolute separation, while the Tories supported the Crown. On the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved the Declaration in these words: "Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." Then followed preparations for the formal declaration, which was adopted on the 4th of July, 1776, in the precise language submitted by Thomas Jefferson. All of the state papers of the Continental Congress evince the highest talent, and the evils which led to its exhibition must have been long but very impatiently endured to impel the study of the questions involved. Possibly only the best lives in our memory invite our perusal, but certain it is that higher capacity was never called to the performance of graver political duties in the history of the world. The first Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and there laid the foundations of the Republic. While its assemblage was first recommended by home meetings, the cause, as already shown, was taken up by the assemblies of Massachusetts and Virginia. Georgia alone was not represented. The It has been said that the Declaration is members were called delegates, who de- in imitation of that published by the Uniclared in their official papers that they ted Netherlands, but whether this be true were "appointed by the good people of or false, the liberty-loving world has for these colonies." It was called the " revo- more than a century accepted it as the lutionary government," because it derived best protest against oppression known to its power from the people, and not from political history. A great occasion conthe functionaries of any existing govern-spired with a great author to make it ment. In it each colony was allowed but grandly great. a single vote, regardless of the number of delegates, and here began not only the unit rule, but the practice which obtains in the election of a President when the contest reaches, under the constitution and law, the National House of Representatives. The original object was to give equality to the colonies as colonies. In 1775, the second Continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia, all the colonies being again represented save Georgia. The delegates were chosen principally by conventions of the people, June 11, Dr. Franklin, as early as July, 1775, first prepared a sketch of articles of confederation between the colonies, to continue until their reconciliation with Great Britain, and in failure thereof to be perpetual. John Quincy Adams says this plan was never discussed in Congress. 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare the force of a colonial confederation, and the day following one member from each colony was appointed to perform the duty. The report was submitted. laid aside August 20, 1776, taken up April 7, 1777, and debated from time to time until by the struggles for independence, the November 15th, of the same year, when Whigs, who of course greatly outnumbered the report was agreed to. It was then all others during the Revolution, naturally submitted to the legislatures of the several divided in sentiment, though their divistates, these being advised to authorize sions were not sufficiently serious to excite their delegates in Congress to ratify the the establishment of rival parties-some. same. On the 26th of June, 1778, the rat- thing which the great majority of our foreification was ordered to be engrossed and fathers were too wise to think of in time of signed by the delegates. Those of New war. When the war closed, however, and Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode the question of establishing the Union was Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- brought clear to the view of all, one class sylvania, Virginia and South Carolina of the Whigs believed that state govern signed July 9th, 1778; those of North Car- ment should be supreme, and that no cen olina July 21st; Georgia July 24th; Jersey tral power should have sufficient authority November 26th, same year; Delaware to coerce a state, or keep it to the comFebruary 22d and May 5th, 1779. Mary-pact against its will. All accepted the land refused to ratify until the question of idea of a central government; all realized the conflicting claims of the Union and the necessity of union, but the fear that of the separate States to the property of the states would lose their power, or surthe crown-lands should be adjusted. This render their independence was very great, was accomplished by the cession of the and this fear was more naturally shown by lands in dispute to the United States, and both the larger and the smaller states. This Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On class of thinkers were then called Particthe 2d of March, Congress assembled un-ularists. Their views were opposed by der the new powers, and continued to act the for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 1789, the date of the organization of the government under the Federal constitu Strong Government Whigs | tion. Our political life has therefore three who argued that local self-government was periods, "the revolutionary government," inadequate to the establishment and perthe confederation," and that of the "fed-petuation of political freedom, and that it eral constitution," which still obtains. upon The federal constitution is the result of resist foreign invasion. Some of these afforded little or no power to successfully the labors of a convention called at Phila- went so far as to favor a government patdelphia in May, 1787, at a time when it terned after that of England, save that it was feared by many that the Union was should be republican in name and spirit. in the greatest danger, from inability to The essential differences, if they can be repay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis-duced to two sentences, were these: The banded on a declaration of peace and an Particularist Whigs desired a government acknowledgment of independence; from republican in form and democratic in prostration of the public credit and faith spirit, with rights of local self-government if the nation; from the neglect to provide and state rights ever uppermost. The for the payment of even the interest on Strong Government Whigs desired a govthe public debt; and from the disappoint-ernment republican in form, with check ed hopes of many who thought freedom the impulses or passions of the peo did not need to face responsibilities. A ple; liberty, sternly regulated by law, and large portion of the convention of 1787 that law strengthened and confirmed by till clung to the confederacy of the states, central authority-the authority of the naand advocated as a substitute for the con- tional government to be final in appeals. stitution a revival of the old articles of As we have stated, the weakness of the confederation with additional powers to confederation was acknowledged by many Congress. A long discussion followed, men, and the majority, as it proved to be and a most able one, but a constitution for after much agitation and discussion the people, embodying a division of legis- thought it too imperfect to amend. The lative, judicial and executive powers pre-power of the confederacy was not acknowvailed, and the result is now daily wit-edged by the states, its congress not renessed in the federal constitution. While the revolutionary war lasted but seven years, the political revolution incident to identified with and directing it, lasted thirteen years. This was completed on the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which Washington was inaugurated as the first spected by the people. Its requisitions were disregarded, foreign trade could not be successfully regulated; foreign nations refused to bind themselves by commercial treaties, and there was a rapid growth of very dangerous business rivalries and jealousies between the several states. Those which were fortunate enough, independent of congress, to possess or se cure ports for domestic or foreign comAs questions of government were evolved merce, taxed the imports of their sister President under the federal constitution. The Particularists. |