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From The Spectator, 9 Dec.
AUSTRIA IN 1813 AND 1854.

the disasters of 1812, opened the campaign with some success against the combined forces of Russia and Prussia, and drove them back It would perhaps be considered fanciful to in good order upon the Bohemian mountains. draw an historical parallel out of the elements Austria, at that moment, was the ally of of the Austrian situation at the opening of France; but Napoleon's calamities in the prethe German campaign of 1813, and those of ceding year, had shaken the alliance to its 1854; yet there are many political points of foundations; and the Emperor Francis, guided resemblance, and certainly a great similarity by Metternich, only waited a favorable mobetween the two diplomatic situations. No ment to complete, by her junction, the league historical parallel ever was perfect, and al- of Europe against Napoleon. That moment though there may be nothing new under the the French Emperor unwittingly provided. sun, yet there are new combinations of the normal forces of things. Nations and empires preserve their distinguishing characteristics with wonderful completeness; and the use of any reference to the experience of history is to point some contemporary moral, to illustrate some contemporary situation, or to assist the speculator to estimate the chances of the future.

tion to insist on that policy, as a reason for the increase of her army; while she sent another envoy to the camp of the Allies to give renewed assurances that her army should act with them. Then came the conference, which ended, as it was intended, not only without any result favorable to peace, but in a declaration of war on the part of Austria.

The Allies were close upon the Austrian frontier, when Napoleon, anxious to obtain Austrian cooperation, or at least to prolong Austrian neutrality, and unwilling, perhaps, by a decisive battle to force the Allies into Bohemia, halted in his career, and agreed to an armistice of six weeks, and a conference at Prague, in which Austria assumed to play the part of mediator. This six weeks' cessation The career of the Emperor Nicholas, like of hostilities was precious time to the Allies; that of the first Emperor Napoleon, has been and Austria, assured of a British subsidy, and one of aggression; but how different in char- clearly perceiving that her own interest lay in acter! Napoleon went out boldly with the an escape from French domination, employed armies of France to conquer Europe, im- the interval in doubling her insignificant pelled by imperious necessity, the giant crisis army. Her conduct was eminently characterin the affairs of the nation at whose head he istic. Even before the armistice was arranged, had placed himself, and an innate desire to she sent an envoy to Napoleon instructed to exercise the specialty of his genius for the urge the necessity of a general pacification, in practice of the art of war. Nicholas, quite as which Austria should act the part of mediarelentless, quite as ambitious, quite as aggres-tor,-alleging at the same time, her determinasive as Napoleon, has gone forth with a stealthy tread, securing his conquests by granite and iron; has hurled his legions on the weak at moments when the strong, who might have controlled him, were otherwise employed; and has extended his power by minute and undefined encroachments, quite as much as by the bayonet and sabre. Napoleon defied and trampled upon Europe in the name of a new order of things, ruthlessly breaking down all before him, and parcelling the nations out anew. Nicholas defies nobody, but in their extremities filches from all. In his siege of Europe Napoleon led the French soldiery in vast storming columns into every breach, or over every rampart, and by sheer force carried In 1813, Austria had no army-she could the day. Nicholas hangs about the outworks only, by excessive efforts, bring sixty thouof Europe, and, holding his armed men in sand middling troops to the side of the Alreadiness for an assault, proceeds by sap and lies; in 1854, she wields an immense army. mine. Europe arrayed herself against Napo- In 1813, her finances were at the lowest ebb; leon from an instinct of self-preservation in in 1854, a benevolence has raised them to a the kings and indignant rage in the nations. position of temporary soundness. In 1813, Europe seems likely to array herself against her interest as an empire taught her to help Nicholas, from a similar instinct of self-pre-in battering to pieces the power of the man servation in her governments and of enlight- who held the Continent in subjection; 1854, ened antipathy to despotism in her nations. her interest teaches her to help in thwarting And in the crisis of the fortunes of both the defiant and the stealthy aggressor, Austria seems destined to play a decisive part.

In the spring of 1813, Napoleon having, with astonishing rapidity, partially repaired

Put Nicholas in the place of Napoleon, make allowance for the altered circumstances of the times, and the illustration drawn from the annals of 1813 is not without value in helping us to form some conception of the conduct of Austria in the present war. ferent circumstances are these :

The dif

the designs of a man who menaces Europe with moral if not material conquest. In 1813, she broke with France diplomatically, and announced a friendly policy of mediation; in 1854, she has done the same with regard to

Russia. In 1813, she held on with Napoleon that Austria, in any European combination until her measures for resistance were taken, of forces-in any conjuncture of affairs where and every contingency was guarded against; overbearing aggression appears on one side, in 1854, she has held on with Nicholas, while and resolute defence on the other—will in the she has increased and perfected her splendid long run, by hook or by crook, side with that army; and she has continued to sway from power which bars the way to universal emthe policy of mediation towards the policy of pire, or even European preponderance. force. In 1813, she was insincere in her It is therefore quite probable that Austria project of mediation, because she, in common is acting in 1854 as she acted in 1813. Her with all European Governments, believed that interests lie, first, in preserving peace if possino treaty of peace to which they could agree ble, because peace offers the fewer dangers to would satisfy Napoleon; but the same reason her heterogeneous territory; secondly, in temdoes not exist to warrant a belief that she has porizing and feeling all round to ascertain her been insincere as a mediator in 1854. chances; thirdly, in energetic war to restore The power of Nicholas is not so ostensible peace in conformity with her interests, as as that of Napoleon; the danger is not so speedily and as cheaply as possible. Through near and pressing in appearance, and her re- the two first of these stages she seems to have lations with Germany lead to a belief that already gone. In 1813, she showed greater Austria would gladly patch up a peace. If, friendliness to Russia, and sought to preserve however, she has been insincere, judging by peace by extracting concessions; in 1854, she the analogy of 1813, it must have been to- temporizes, professes armed neutrality, threatwards Russia; because Austria, ever anxious ens the Principalities so as to expel Russia, for the preservation of her disjointed empire, then occupies the Principalities and becomes must side with those who threaten it least. surety for Constantinople. Nicholas, like NaAs the triumph of Napoleon in 1813 would poleon-anxious to secure Austrian neutrality, have prolonged her subjugation, perhaps led and certainly desirous of avoiding instant war, to her extinction, whereas the triumph of the which, with the Turks and Allies in his front Allies by her aid restored her as a great Eu- and flank, would have led to the destruction ropean power,-so, in 1854, Austria can lose of his army-refrains from punishing the nothing by the success of the Western Pow-veiled hostility of Austria, even though Ausers, whereas the success of Russia ultimately, tria by occupying the Principalities enabled if not instantly, must be greatly at her ex- the Allies to invade the Crimea and besiege pense. Apart from territorial considerations, the heart of Russian power in the East. Rusthe defeat of England and France by Russia, sia is probably no longer, if indeed she ever Austria remaining neutral, would be a blow was, the dupe of Austria; but she was powerto her power which she could never recover. less to prevent the catastrophe, and time was A joint war in alliance with Russia against invaluable to both.

England and France would certainly involve | Now, we are told, Austria has signed a the loss of her Italian provinces, and the de- treaty with the Western Powers, involving struction of her rising commerce. Nothing, open hostilities; this would be the natural and therefore, except judicial blindness, could logical result of her extraordinary position, as carry Austria into the battle-field with the we have shown by a reference to her traCzar against Western Europe. The fact is, ditional policy.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

nance not to furnish a weapon which has been Sir-I am not yet ordered to the East, but proved to be o superior. Moreover, I fear it may be ere long. I have heard a great de of will be found, that the Czar will not neglect this the use of Colt's revolvers among officers who advantage; and as I learn that 100,000 of these have been engaged in the various engagements far-famed pistols are turned out yearly in one in the Crimea, and I am persuaded that in our manufactory at Hartford. in America, I should branch of the service (the artillery) they are em- think it very likely that Russian agents are now inently useful. Can you tell me whether there buying them up. is any idea of providing officers and men with I should not like to hear, when we are ordered them, for the expense of providing a brace (which out, that there is not time to provide us with I should certainly do,) will come rather heavily revolvers. A hint on your part may do much, on my purse? I confess that I should feel more and will command my lasting gratitude.

confidence, from what I have heard, were all our men equally furnished, as in case of another drunken charge on the part of a superior force, it

Your obedient servant,

AN ARTILLERY OFFICER.

P. S.-The government can get their weapons

might save our lives, if not our guns. It seems at about half the price that we should give, by to me very niggardly on the part of the Ord- buying them at retail.

From The Spectator.

GIUSTINIAN'S FOUR YEARS AT THE
COURT OF HENRY THE EIGHTH.*

the Doge undesignedly lent himself to oppose Wolsey in a personal object. Giustinian's personal acceptance carried on the routine business and mercantile affairs of the state as successfully as any one probably could have done; but it did not sway events.

tired of uselessly parting with his money. Indeed, the Venetian was often put to his witsend to turn the solicitations of the King and the Cardinal to break with France; in the course of which the Monarch and the Minister THESE selections from the correspondence did not always stick to the truth in their asof Sebastian Giustinian, Venetian Ambassador sertions. The Ambassador, however, managto Henry the Eighth from 1516 to 1519, will ed to keep his temper, under occasionally have more interest for the historical inquirer great provocations, and to preserve the favor than for the general reader. If, as Reynolds of the King and Cardinal, except once when affirms, there must be a good deal of commonplace in every great work even of genius, the common must very greatly predominate in letters of business, written indeed by a welltrained diplomatist of ability, but a man of learning rather than of literary skill; especially when the business itself was not of The topics of the letters less relate to bumuch historical importance. Sebastian Gius-siness actually done than to conversations in tinian, of the noble Venetian family which which each party sought to make some distraces its origin to the Emperor Justinian, covery or gain some advantage by directly was a practised penetrating man of the world, persuading or indirectly influencing the other. to whom much public business and nearly And the same end was sought in the visits of sixty years had given patience, when spirit or temper would have availed him nothing or court," which the Ambassador omitted no ceremony or entertainment" the paying of have wrought mischief. At the time when he opportunity of doing. The main substance came to England, the results of the league of of his communications has reference to the Cambray had sadly reduced the Venetian re- arguments or other reasons advanced by public, not only by loss of territory but of either party in conference; but it is varied soldiers and treasure. The future was threat- by indications of character and descriptions ening further evils from the ill-will and in- of behavior. The masks, the jousts, and stability of the Emperor Maximilian, the un- other courtly amusements of the day, are recertain result of the contemplated French in-counted whith some fulness, and there are ocvasion of Italy by Francis the First, and the casional allusions to current events, though enormous expense entailed on the Signory scarcely so much as might be expected. Upon from this condition of affairs. It would not the whole, the volumes do not throw so much appear that much direct aid was expected from the King of England. The object of Venice was to induce him to keep the peace; to observe a neutrality during the expedition of Francis into Italy for the recovery of Milan, which the Signory encouraged in the hopes of getting back Brescia and Verona, and as much as possible to prevent assistance from being rendered to Maximilian. The two cities were finally recovered; a general peace was patched up; and Charles the Fifth was elected Emperor of Germany before Giustinian took his departure. It can hardly be said that his residence did much to effect these objects. Events were too powerful for mere diplomacy; and neither Henry nor Wolsey was the kind of man to be led from the road, however clever the leader might be. In spite of all the Ambassador could say or do, ducats were sent to Maximilian enabling him to keep up the struggle against France and Venice till funds began to run low, and Henry to get

new light upon the four years of Henry's court and reign as might have been expected. They exhibit what was known already from another point of view, and correct points of detail, rather than make what may be called discoveries. Other selections from the despatches and reports of Venetian envoys contain more personal portraiture and more historical interest than this correspondence of Giustinian; but they have been made upon a smaller scale, from a greater number of writers-the cream only was taken.

The letters do something towards dissipating the romance and mystery attached to the Venetian Government. Giustinian writes without any fear and with perfect freedom; in fact, there is much less ceremony and compliment than prevailed in this country at a later day, or than prevails even now. Neither is there any appearance of trick or perfidy; though of course the Ambassador puts the best face upon things. Either nen employed at the head of affairs are apt to neglect the de*Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII. Se-tails of the branches, or the Government of lection of Despatches written by the Venetian Am- Venice was not so attentive to business as is bassador Sebastian Giustinian, and addressed to

the Signory of Venice; January 12th, 1515, to July generally supposed. A modern envoy left 16th, 1519. Translated by Rawdon Brown. In without instructions from our Foreign Office two volumes. Published by Smith and Elder. could not have fretted more in private than

did Giustinian openly for want of information | matters; so the Cardinal sent to his house to or even news. This is one of many instances: seize all his papers and ciphers, but found nothing objectionable; wherefore, at the intercession "On my presenting myself to his Majesty to of the Reverend Bishop of Winchester, he was pay him my respects, he asked me if I had any released, permission being given him to quit the letter from your Sublimity. I told him I had not kingdom; and this he will do, his departure now received letters, though I wished to speak with being merely delayed by the expectation of pehis Majesty about matters of moment; but as I cuniary supply. The proceeding is summary, perceived the Imperial and Spanish Ambassadors especially against a Papal Nuncio, and has apand other persons, at hand, I said I had deter-peared to me worthy the knowledge of your Exmined to delay until another day: whereupon hecellency."

rejoined, You shall have audience when you

please; but we greatly marvel at your not re- Of the power of Wolsey, and the necessity ceiving letters from the Signory, so many events of paying court to him, the Venetian Ambashaving chanced and chancing daily. I apolo-sador almost goes beyond the usual opinion. gized for your Excellency as I best might, though

I fancy that they credit what they please; and Here is a passage.

we two Ambassadors then took leave.

"With regard to this matter, I will not omit "Having read these despatches with my wontgiving my opinion; and your Sublimity must ed respect, I shall abide most religiously by their know that, at this present, it is more necessary contents; but must remark that I perceive your than ever to cultivate the friendship of King Serenity leaves it optional with me, as if it were Henry, who is so well able to supply your a doubtful matter, whether I ought to make the enemies with money, and thus support the war communication to Cardinal Wolsey or not. against you, without openly declaring himself. Now the fact is, as I have informed the Signory You also perceive that here in London there are at least a hundred times, that it is necessary to embassies from all the greatest princes in Christ-address oneself to him about everything; and endom, and all hammer at this anvil-some for money and some for favor; nor does a week ever clapse without all these Ambassadors receiving missives addressed to his Majesty, indicative of great mutual confidence and good-will, whereas your Signory, which has, perhaps, greater need of his Majesty than any of the others, does not ever write; and I am thus deficient in the means of negotiating and exerting myself so fitly as I could wish, and as current events so imperiously

demand."

The high-handed manner in which Wolsey treated foreign ministers frequently appears, and goes beyond words. He not only stopped the French Ambassador's letters, and opened them, but rated him for the writing. On the Envoy of the Pope he laid violent hands.

TO THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TEN.

were it a question of neglecting his Majesty or his Right Reverend Lordship, the least injurious course would be to pass over the former. I shall therefore impart it to both, but first of all to the Cardinal, lest he resent the precedence conceded to his Majesty."

It will be seen by the opening paragraph of this more complete portrait of the Cardinal, extracted from a digest of the Ambassador's "report" to the Senate on his return to Venice, that Wolsey went further than “ ego et rex meus"-sinking the "rex" altogether.

"This Cardinal is the person who rules both the King and the entire kingdom. On the Ambassador's first arrival in England, he used to say to him, His Majesty will do so and so;' subsequently, by degrees, he went forgetting himself, and commenced saying, We shall do so and so; at this present he has reached such a pitch that he says, 'I shall do so and so!'

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He is about forty-six years old, very handsome, learned, extremely eloquent, of vast ability, and indefatigable. He alone transacts the same business as that which occupies all the magistracies, offices, and councils of Venice both civil and criminal; and all state affairs likewise are managed by him, let their nature be what it may.

"London, December 7, 1516. "Your Highness will now learn, that a few days ago, the Nuncio (Chieregato) was sent for by the Right Reverend Cardinal; who, when he reached his presence, took him into a private chamber, where he laid hands on him, telling him in fierce and rude language, that he chose to know what he had written to the King of France, and what intercourse he held with me, as either he was frequently here, (at the Venetian Embassy) or my son, or the secretary, at his residence, and that he should not quit the spot until he had confessed everything; and unless he told by fair means, that he would put him to the rack. On this, high words were exchanged by either party; the Nuncio denying the charges brought against "He is in very great repute-seven times more him, but admitting our intimacy, as induced by so than if he were Pope. He has a very fine friendship and a community of literary pursuits. palace, where one traverses eight rooms before Concerning the King of France, he mentioned reaching his audience-chamber, and they are all what he had written to him, and the reply re-hung with tapestry, which is changed once a ceived, which did not bear upon the present week. He always has a sideboard of plate worth

"He is pensive, and has the reputation of being extremely just he favors the people exceedingly, and especially the poor; hearing their suits, and seeking to despatch them instantly; he also makes the lawyers plead gratis for all paupers.

25,000 ducats, wherever he may be; and his silver is estimated at 150,000 ducats. In his own chamber there is always a cupboard with vessels to the amount of 30,000 ducats, this being customary with the English nobility. * * *

"Cardinal Wolsey is very anxious for the Signory to send him one hundred Damascene carpets; for which he has asked several times, and expected to receive them by the last galleys. The Ambassador urged the Senate to make this present, as even should the Signory itself not choose to incur the expense, the slightest hint to the London factory would induce that body to take it on themselves; and this gift might easily settle the affair of the wines of Candia-that is to say, induce the repeal of the duties on sack imported by Venetian subjects. The Ambassador, on his departure, left the business in a fair way, and consigned all the documents concerning it to his successor; but to discuss the matter further, until the Cardinal receives his hundred carpets, would be idle. This present might make him pass a decree in our favor, and, at any rate, it would render the Cardinal friendly to our nation in other matters; for no one obtains audience from him unless at the third or fourth attempt. As he adopts this fashion with all the lords and barons of England, the Ambassador made light of it, and at length had recourse to the expedient of making an appointment through his secretary, who sometimes went six or seven times to York House before he could speak to

the Cardinal.

"It is the custom for the Ambassadors, when they go to the Court, to dine there; and on his first arrival in England they ate at the Cardinal's table but now no one is served with the viands of the sort presented to the Cardinal, until after their removal from before him."

Whether the Venetian Ambassadors were, like other mortals, accessible to flattery from crowned heads, or whether the Senate and Council of Ten understood that the great were to be complimented as a matter of course, and made their deductions accordingly, we do not know. Certainly Henry, Francis, and some other very great people, appear more gracious and excellent in the eyes of Giustinian and his colleagues than they do to posterity. The report" on Henry the Eighth might have been transmitted to the King himself. The Ambassador, however, wrote some ten years ere "Gospel light first dawn'd from Bullen's eyes," and Wolsey fell.

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jouster; speaks good French, Latin, and Spanish; is very religious; hears three masses daily when he hunts, and sometimes five on other days; he hears the office every day in the Queen's chamber, that is to say, vespers and compline. He is very fond indeed of hunting, and never takes this diversion without tiring eight or ten horses, which he causes to be stationed beforehand along the line of country he may mean to take, and when one is tired he mounts another, and before he gets home they are all exhausted. He is extremely fond of tennis, at which game it is the prettiest thing in the world to see him play, his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the finest texture.

"He gambled with the French hostages to the amount, occasionally, it is said, of from six to eight thousand ducats in a day.

He is attable, gracious, harms no one; does not covet his neighbor's goods, and is satisfied with his own dominions, having often said to the ambassador, Domine Orator, we want all potentates to content themselves with their own territories; we are satisfied with this island of ours." "He seems extremely desirous of peace."

The "Memo" in the following notice of Bloody Mary" as a baby was a musician, who ostensibly came on a sort of musical adventure, and was introduced by the Ambassador to the Cardinal, and then to the King. The last was greatly pleased with Memo's skill, and permanently retained him. Perhaps the object alluded to in the last sentence was that originally aimed at.

After this conversation, his Majesty caused the Princess, his daughter, who is two years old, to be brought into the apartment where we were; whereupon the Right Reverend Cardinal and I, and all the other lords, kissed her hand, pro more; the greatest marks of honor being paid her universally, more than to the Queen herself. The moment she cast her eyes on the Reverend D. Dionisius Memo, who was there, at a little distance, she commenced ealling out in English, Priest,' and he was obliged to go and play for her: after which, the King, with the Princess in his arms, came to me and said, 'Per Deum, iste

est honestissimus vir et unus carissimus, nullus unquam servivit mihi fidelius et melius illo, scribaris Domino vestro quod habeat ipsum commendatum.' I thanked the King, and told him he would be recommended to your Signory in proportion to the satisfaction which you might know his Majesty received from him, and that I, therefore, on my part, recommended him to his Majesty. This say I, most serence Prince, that I perceive him to be in such favor with the King that for the future he will prove an excellent instrument in matters appertaining to your Highness.

"His Majesty is twenty-nine years old, and extremely handsome; nature could not have done more for him; he is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christendom; a great deal handsomer than the King of France; very fair, and his whole frame admirably proportioned. On hearing that Francis I. wore a beard, he al- These extracts might be extended, but there lowed his own to grow; and as it is reddish, he is enough to indicate the nature of the better has now got a beard which looks like gold. He parts of the book. It is very ably edited, by is very accomplished; a good musician; com- a man who has devoted his time to this species poses well; is a most capital horseman; a fine of antiquarian study. An introduction gives

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