From The Spectator, 27 Jan. day we have witnessed examples of the same foreseeing and conscious exercise of individual will over a state. The series, indeed, from To be, or not to be, a military nation, is the earlier times was kept up by the formation of grand question posited by the Times this Russia itself, by the development of Prussia week the same question, mutatis mutandis, under Hardenberg, by the establishment of might be applied to any other branch of pub- the Empire under Napoleon the first. But lic affairs besides the military. We have ar- with our own eyes we have seen Louis Naporived at "a dead lock of all the departments," leon predetermining a new system of things and not of the military alone. Everything for an empire, and succeed in establishing his that we desire-military efficiency, a working will, so completely that it appears to be health department, public education, local im- assimilated with the country upon which it was provement, intelligent lawmaking-seems to imposed. be obstructed by the very machinery for at Probably we may be told, that in all cases taining it. To improved legislation the grand of success in such enterprises of supreme rule, obstacle is the Legislature, just as the impedi- the statesman who takes the conduct of a comment to an effective army or an efficient mili-munity into his own hands must proceed by a tary administration is the War officialism. If legitimate process of cultivation-must render the question of the month is, whether from a his action harmonious with the natural growth commercial we ought not to become a military of the community which he seeks to affect; people, the question of many a year past is, and even in those enterprises that have seemwhether we shall continue as we are, incom-ed most arbitrary, this rule may be discerned petent to carry out our own intent? The in full force. When our Barons determined war-shock may arouse us from asphyxia; and to fasten upon King John the institutions the great censor morum, who calls for a mili- which are sometimes said to originate with tary man as dictator, may not express a reproach so much as a prophecy. More Magna Charta, they appealed to those institutions as already existing in the form of usages Many things which we have not we ought created in fact by the spontaneous will of the to have, although we weakly go on without, community, and only recorded and crowned and only cry for them; but the want of war- in the great public statute. It was the same like means in war-time is peremptory; and with Cromwell, who, however inconsistently unless, to use the words of our contemporary, in his latter years, administered a more powerwe would settle down, as Holland, Venice, ful principle than that which Charles the First and some other once military states have be- tried to carry to extremes-the English comcome, the helpless spectators of others' monwealth against "right divine:" and Cromquarrels, we must perforce alter "the well was as legitimate a minister of the public system. But the system is the natural opinion of this country, as Monk or any of the product of the country as it is; so that statesmen who assisted in restoring the balance to alter the system we must alter our-after its disturbance by the civil wars. selves. There have been in the progress of so; for after the Restoration it became necesnations such knotty turning-points, at which it sary again to re-establish the full recognition was necessary to succumb under national de- of the principle administered and carried forth cline or to bend the course of the country by by Cromwell, ultimately recorded in the Bill main force. Ever since the days of remote of Rights, and constituting a fundamental contradition, there have been men, who, taking dition of the British Crown. Cromwell, therethought for their race, have come to conclu- fore, did but attach himself to the natural prosions with themselves, and have resolved to gress of the British nation; and the exercise bend alike the mind and action of the com- of his will and force consisted in freeing the munity to their intent. Mohammed, the camel-natural progress of the country from the tramdriver, rendered his lowers the dictators to a mels that had obstructed it. Louis Napoleon large part of the world. England traces back had been preceded by a King who had conher happiest traditions to Alfred, who impres-ceived a similar idea of deflecting the natural sed his individual will upon the actions of his course according to his predetermination, but people. There have been such men as Tell, in a different direction. Louis Philippe thought Rudolph, Leopold of Tuscany. Cromwell and that he had caught "the spirit of an epoch' Washington were no doubt the administrators in rendering everything subservient to trade. of a will already formed by the community He pointed to his trained band, the National who accepted them as leaders, but to the ex- Guard, as the true army upon which the ecution of the duty both Cromwell and Wash- Monarchy should rest. It was a pet object ington brought a will of their own, commen- even of his private leisure moments, and he surate to that which they obeyed, or they surveyed the instruments of his creation from could not have sustained a labor which was his palace window with undisguised comdelegated to them by a nation. In our own placency and confidence. Louis Philippe un dertook the work of converting the French a War Ministry from a Colonial Department, 号 Is the passage of the Red Sea ever to be open-ascend; and M. de Lesseps has not yet waded ed to a ship-canal? We now have the promise, through the shallows of Suez.-Spectator, 20 we forget how many times repeated. M. Ferdi- Jan. nand de Lesseps actually has a firman from the Viceroy of Egypt; but how can the firman of PROTECTION OF DONKEYS.-Among other his Highness cut a channel through the broad absurd objections taken by the Government, shallows which form the approaches of the Med-[of Elba,] one more than any other will show iterranean coast at the Isthmus of Suez? How the difficulties to be surmounted by those who can the most formal promise of Egypt insure are embarked in commercial enterprises in "honest and hearty cooperation," as the firman the South of Europe. The present company, phrase is? The rails for the ever promised railway across the Desert used to be lying about, a mockery of the pretences which they were imported to sustain. It is curious that these two portals of the great highways of the world, Suez and Panama, should be the scenes of such repeated promises of shipcanals, with so small a previous examination as to the means of fulfilling the promise! The last expedition to Central America, it is said, discovered gradients up which but few canals could some time ago, proposed the formation of a For this the consent of the Government was WATERLOO AVENGED. (From Punch.) "General Canrobert has placed at the disposal of Lord Raglan 10,000 capotes for the use of the English army in the Crimea. 10,000 British soldiers now wear the French uniform."-Correspondence from the Camp. LONG we had owned them noble foes, Late we have owned them friends, Joint perils, common ends. And if at length each English heart The curse to every tongue- To bless French aid what man was slow Debts of the sword brave souls may owe, Sweep hence this impotence of deed, Or here-or there-raise up the man Enough of Lords in name-find out Clear brains, and undistraught with doubt, Pluck forth thy hand from red-tape gyves, SUFFERING. BY MRS. E. A. COMSTOCK. Oh! who would fly the suffering that earthly natures know, The sinking frame, the tortured heart, the stifled cry of woe, To seek a sphere where misery and pain can never come, The throbbing of the heart be still, the voice of sorrow dumb. Though full of rest to weary ones its stagnant shores might seem, 'Tis rest as dull and passionless as sleep without a dream, As tideless as an ever full but sourceless mountain lake, O'er which the tempest's wrath might burst, yet not a ripple make. No valiant soul for such a sphere could ever wish to seek, Nor leave the battle-field below, a craven false and weak. No! striving on all fearlessly, its only rest can be The thrilling, ever active life that fills eternity! It asks no Lethe for the grief that rends the quivering form, For no canopy but heaven to shield it from the storm; More glorious and beautiful the bow of hope appears, When the radiance of holy faith shines through a mist of tears. What though the fibres of the heart, like some forgotten lute, All loosened, long in solitude lie motionless and mute, Until to joyous melody a master hand awakes And thrills with rapture every chord, while silently it breaks; More blessed in its breaking is the long-neglected string, Than in its hour of idleness, a voiceless, wornout thing; Oh! better far to break beneath a touch of heavenly fire. Than fall a prey to gnawing rust, and echoless expire. The human spirit in its weary hourNow at the bright day's close. 'Tis Nature's time for prayer; The silent praises of the glorious sky, Full oft the heart that sluggishly above its torpor And the earth's orisons profound and high, broods, And feels no stir of life within its trackless solitudes, To Heaven their breathings bear. Gives back a cry of victory from out its very | In humble reverence at Thy holy throne, deeps, When darkest wing of suffering above its torpor sweeps; There is a bliss in agony, which they can only know Who bless the rush of feelings that torture as they flow. Oh! better far to them the pang no lapse of time can heal, Than that dark and heaviest curse-a breast which cannot feel. There's not a drop of life-blood wrung from the bursting heart, Which of a flood of glory forms not a noble part When round the head a halo, then what to us they thought That every ray of brightness with darkest grief was bought; And when the storm and whirlwind forevermore are hushed, And healing comes with balmy wings to the bosom lone and crush'd, What recks it that its furious track all blacken'd doth remain, With them my soul would bend, Trusting the merits of Thy Son alone, Thy sceptre to extend. If I this day have striven With Thy blest spirit, or have bowed the knee If in my heart has been An unforgiving thought, or word, or look, Though deep the malice which I scarce could brook, Wash me from this dark sin. If I have turned away From grief or suffering which I might relieve, And teach me how to feel Father, my soul would be Pure as the drops of eve's unsullied dew; Since zephyrs play where once it roar'd, but ne'er And as the stars whose nightly course is true, shall rend again. So would I be to Thee. Nor for myself alone, Would I these blessings of Thy love implore, But for each penitent the wide earth o'er, Whom Thou hast called Thine own. And for my heart's best friends, Whose steadfast kindness o'er my painful years, Has watched to soothe affliction's griefs and tears, My warmest prayer ascends. Should o'er their path decline The light of gladness, or of hope or health, And One-O Father, guide Watch o'er his couch to-night, And now, O Father, take From The Economist, 20 Jan. PARTIES. hopes; and though they may hate the Czar, the UNITED STATES.-INTERESTS AND Kaiser, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, and all the monarchs and Governments of Europe, they hate England too. Though the Government of England be on good terms with several of the Governments of Europe, none of the political parties in Europe, opposed to the Governments, love England, and the general dislike, perhaps we may say envy, of such people in Europe taints the opinions of the political parties in the States. THE notice we took last week of the proposed mediation of the States referred to the views chiefly of the commercial classes. In the States, however, as in most other countries, the political parties are very different from the great interests, and very often take no notice of such interests, or avowedly discard all consideration of them. Politics not based on them, however-and they have only lately and as yet very partially anywhere become the basis of policy—are merely sentimental or traditionary, founded on vague notions of patriotism or ancient enmities that no longer exist, or on theories that have been exploded. The Americans in this respect are no wiser than other people. The old stock, probably, as they celebrate their 4th of July, still think of England as it existed under George III, and retain many of the prejudices of the founders of the republic. Hence many of the journals of the States mere echoes of traditionary hatreds and of the disappointed feelings of the republicans and refugees of Europe-are filled at all times with diatribes against England; and hence, some of them now are more disposed to court friendship and alliance with Nicholas than friendship and alliance with England. Wo are thoroughly persuaded, however, that these noisy persons are merely politicians; that they represent none of the great interests of the States; and will not permanently, or for any great purpose, influence the actions of the Federal Government. Since 1783 the immigrants from all parts of Europe have carried with them the opinions and prejudices of their respective birth- Just now, perhaps, these party men may be places; and if many of them have imported more than usually energetic and successful. the feelings of the English, a still greater In the States the monetary derangements number have taken with them the exasperated have spread distress deep and wide through opinions and feelings of the Irish, and of all the the cities on the eastern sea-board. In part, republican and revolutionary parties of Europe. those derangements have been immediately They, with a great portion of the more noisy brought on by a large and continued export and bustling natives, are the men who seek of gold to pay for importation from Europe, public distinction rather than wealth by pa- chiefly from England; but to England nearly tient industry, and constitute, as distinct from all the gold comes to pay all the creditors of the national interests, the political party. the States; and thus England is unfavorably They have very vague opinions of the duty mixed up in imagination with the American of the State, both in relation to its internal monetary derangement, becomes in part the interests and its foreign relations. scape goat for speculatists of all kinds, and has It can be no matter of surprise that amongst to bear some of the anger and the shame the such persons, many of whose minds are Americans should feel for themselves. Their nourished on recollections of Europe, per- manufactures of all kinds are for the moment sonal or traditionary, there should be a desire out of gear, and the Protectionist party atto interfere with it from motives very different tribute this to the great importations from from those entertained by the great body of England. The war, also, has added to their the industrious classes. Many of them, from distress; at least it has come in conjunction a clear perception of the many blessings en- with it, and they blame it. The Czar, howjoyed in America, and from a love to the land ever, does not come into contact with them or of their birth or their sires, earnestly desire, their trade: England does, and England alone without understanding how it can be accom- has to bear the blame of any inconvenience plished, to see a liberal or republican Govern- they may feel. At present, therefore, abuse ment established in the various countries of of England and praise of Nicholas finds some Europe, such as exists in America. They favor. This condition, however, is merely fancy that it is the cause of the many advan- temporary, and the great interests of the tages which exist in conjunction with it, though it is no more the author of them than it is the author of the great prairies of the Mississippi, or of sunshine and rain. As England has given no support to the many revolutions that have been attempted in Europe, she has latterly gone backward in their estimation; she has disappointed their States are so bound up with those of our country especially, and in some degree with those of France, with which the commercial relations of the States are rapidly extending, and they have none and can have none with Russia, that the politicians can have only a feeble and a short-lived influence. They are not, indeed, therefore, to be despised. No men ought to be; |