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that the inequality which grows out of the nature of things by time, custom, succession, accumulation, permutation, and improvement of property, is much nearer that true equality, which is the foundation of equity and just policy, than any thing that can be contrived by the tricks and devices of human skill. What does it amount to but that, after some little jumbling, some men have better estates than others. I am certain, that when the financial system is but ́tolerably planned, it will catch property in spite of all its doublings, and sooner or later those who have most will pay most; and this is the effective equality, which circumstances will bring about of themselves, if they are left to their own operation.

This paper of Mr. Francis has given me one idea, which, I confess, I had not before (indeed it has given me several), and it is an idea which affords me satisfaction. I find that Mr. Francis thinks that the occupier of the soil, and not the Government, is the true proprietor of the land in Bengal. I

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did not understand before, that a sort of custom had given them a preference; but that on the whole Zemindars did not stand on so good a footing as our copyholders in England, or even as the holders of churchleasės. Their custom of annual letting seemed much to favour this notion. I am glad to find I was mistaken; for, whatever the practice may be, I am sure that every thing which favours the stability of property is right, and does much for the peace, order, and civilization of any country.

I write with little consideration, and less knowledge of the subject. We make an hundred blunders in a matter so very remote from our situation, and our local circumstances and customs. But if I guess rashly in such things, I do not persevere obstinatelyin my errors. I am afraid that Mr. Francis begins, by his distance, to make very nearly as mistaken judgments on our affairs here, as we do on his in India. He thinks, alas! that Parliament troubles itself with these matters. We were, indeed, busy enough

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about them until the East India Company was put into the hands of the Court. Since that time, a most religious silence is kept about those affairs. Government is sure to throw them immediately out, if any one's forward zeal prompts him to bring them" before us. Nothing but the approaching expiration of the agreement with the public can submit it again to our instrumental consideration. Something will then be done. If more can be done for confirming the power of the Crown over the Company, as to its exterior form, like other forms, it will, I fancy, be suffered to continue,

When you write to Mr. Francis, pray put him in mind of me, and thank him for his permission to you to communicate his very valuable paper, of which I neither have made, nor shall make any improper or indiscreet use. I have written to him a letter, which I hope will not be wholly useless, about the first object of my heart, our friend William Burke. You are happy that you have our friend S under the immediate

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protection of one who knows so well what power owes to friendship. Adieu, my dear John, my hand is tired; but it is, with my heart, always yours.

EDMUND BURKE.'

The perusal of Mr. Francis's Memorial led Mr. Burke's mind, which had been for some years employed in attending to Indian affairs in general, into accurate and extensive inquiries concerning that specific part of the condition of the Zemindars. When Mr. Francis returned in 1781, he was enabled to make himself master of the subject; besides being very greatly assisted in the attainment of knowledge upon other questions concerning India. It is not doubted that the information and views which Mr. Burke had derived from Mr. Francis, and other

Mr. Francis, in a letter from Bengal to Lord North, afterwards published by Debrett, presents us with a very masterly account of the Zemindars, and other ranks and classes of natives; and also a clear and striking view of the political interests both of India and the Company.

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sources, were powerfully instrumental in
supplying Fox with the materials from
which he formed his bill; a bill, to the
passing of which neither Burke nor Fox
anticipated any powerful obstruction. The
Ministry had certainly many symptoms of
strength superior to that possessed by any
Ministry since the commencement of this
reign. It combined the leading members
of both parties during the American war.
It united philosophy and genius with of-
ficial experience.
To consolidate parts,
formerly heterogeneous, into one mass, a
great weight of aristocratic influence was
superinduced. Lord North retained many
of his numerous supporters. Fox had a less
numerous, but more able band of friends.
The result of this union of genius, expe-
rience, rank, and property, was a majority
seldom seen in favour of the Minister from
the time of the illustrious Pitt. It was more
likely to continue, because not depending
solely on the native genius of the Minister,
it had so many strong adventitious supports.
Strong, however, as the building appeared,

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