and form is found. Such a specimen is highly prized to-day, as it doubtless was by its Indian owner.

The most common objects found are spear and arrow heads. These are made usually of flint, or stone of similar hardness, and often show much skill in their manufacture; indeed, it is no easy task for the modern lapicide to imitate them. They are of various forms, and their use may be largely determined by their size. Some arrow points are simple triangular forms, and were slipped into the split end of the shaft. Some of the spear and arrow heads have a groove at the base, so as to be bound to the shaft by a sinew, and others have but a narrow straight projection, which permitted them to become easily detached from the shaft. The reason for this seems evident by this means the point was left in the flesh, greatly aggravating the wound. Whether any of these points were poisoned, or not, is a mooted question.

It is well known that, besides the spear and arrow, the Indian used a mace or weighted club. This consisted of a round stone which was covered with skin and bound securely to a handle. Those which were grooved readily attract the attention of the delver in the middens. Among the most interesting objects which reward the relic searcher are pipes. They are not only curious in form, but are often elegantly wrought and, we must believe, were highly prized by their owners, as they were by the early European settlers, who obtained them from the Indians whenever they could induce them to part with them, and sent them to Europe, where they were in demand by curiosity hunters. Occasionally a pipe of red clay is found, similar in shape to the clay pipe of civilized man; but being composed of more fragile material than the stone pipe, it is usually imperfect.

Among the more common objects are stones, often in the form of an elongated egg, with a groove around the smaller end, which are sometimes mistaken for pestles; but their size clearly denotes their use as sinkers or weights. Some of the most curious objects, and those which perplex the student most, are perforated and, in rare instances, inscribed stones, in forms which rendered them unfit for any conceivable use unless, as has been supposed, they were employed in ceremonial obserSome were doubtless used merely

vances.

as ornaments. The implements of bone, which are quite common in the middens, would require considerable space to properly describe. They were mostly used for perforating soft materials, for sewing, and for spearing the smaller fish. Many of the Indian hooks were made of bone.

The wampum, which the Indians so highly esteemed, and which served the important purposes of trade and personal adornment, has mostly perished. It was composed largely of beads made of variously colored shells often curiously wrought, the colored specimens being considered of the highest value, unless we except those of copper, usually cylindrical in form. Of their pottery only fragments remain, but these cannot be mistaken for fragments of the pottery of civilized man, as they bear the peculiar indented decoration so common among barbarous people, consisting of upright, diagonal, and curved lines, made with a pointed instrument, or left by the mould in which the vessel was formed, and which was of some coarsely woven material.

What has been thus briefly described constitutes nearly all that remains to tell us of a most interesting people; but this description serves as well to depict the remains of neolithic man in the old world. If we cross the ocean to explore midden and barrow, we shall unearth objects of the same form and character as those we have found on the shores of New England, the same spear and arrow heads, the same axes, stone-sinkers, hammers, chisels, gouges, bone implements, and even fragments of pottery, with the same indented decoration, showing how universal was the art peculiar to neolithic man. We may not pause, however, to pursue the interesting questions which here present themselves to us, but consider in a few words the relation which the Abnakis of Maine bore to certain tribes somewhat farther west. Vetromile, who was perhaps as well qualified as any student of the Abnaki tongue to give us the correct etymology of the name, insists that the modern title was derived from wanbnaghi, and signifies, our ancestors of the East, and not, as some other writers have supposed, men of the East. This title, our ancestors of the East, was applied to the Indians of Maine by some of the tribes west of them, and reminds us of the tradition of the Iroquois,

already alluded to, that they once occupied the country as far east as the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but were driven westward by the Algonkins. We cannot but regard this tradition with interest and, coupled with the title bestowed upon the Abnakis of the coast by their congeners living between them and the Iroquois, as significant; nor can we escape the conclusion that the Abnakis, after reaching the coast of New England, gradually spread northward along the seaboard until they reached the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where they encountered the Iroquois, and forced them slowly back against the western tribes, compelling them to extend their lines southward, until they occupied the strange position in which they were found when discovered by Europeans, a position which separated the Algonkins of the East from their brethren of the West.

The territory from which the Iroquois had been driven was occupied by the Algonkins, the tribes which called the Indians of Maine their fathers of the East, and which, if the theory assumed is correct, was their proper title. If the Iroquois and Algonkins migrated from the West, as the traditions of both peoples claim, it is probable that the former pur

In their

sued a line north of the latter. long-continued migrations, they may at times have approached each other, and come into conflict. That they finally met upon the seaboard, and that the Iroquois were forced westward by the Algonkins, seems probable. Harassed by the Algonkins, who hemmed them in on every side, and living in a state of perpetual warfare, the Iroquois at last became such fierce and cruel experts in war as to strike their Algonkin enemy with dread. As they were obliged to extend towards the south, it is quite apparent that they forced the Algonkins, who occupied territory on their southern border, still farther south, until they had reached the extreme limits which they occupied when discovered by European adventurers. By the fierce conflicts which brought about this condition, the Abnakis of the New England seaboard were not affected. Their conflicts were with their own lineage. They might, however, have continued until to-day, using their poor implements of stone and bone, in happy ignorance of more useful ones, had not civilized man come in contact with them. As it is, there now exists but a remnant of our fathers of the East.

T

HE University of Georgia, in its inception, was a part of that eager patriotic movement just at the close of the Revolutionary War, by which the young states sought to plant their newly acquired liberties in the firm soil of a welleducated and intelligent people. Within two years after the last battle of that war, the legislature of 1784 passed the act of February 25, granting forty thousand acres of the best public lands in the counties of Washington and Franklin, for the establishment of a college or seminary of learning, an act which was followed the next January by a complete charter for what should be known as the University of Georgia. In words which breathe the spirit of culture, and voice the strong patriotism of the period, the preamble of that charter recites: "As it is the distin

the national prosperity, to encourage and support the principles of religion and morality, and early to place the youth under the forming hand of society, that by instruction they may be moulded to the love of virtue and good order. Sending them abroad to other countries for their education will not answer these purposes, is too humiliating an acknowledgment of the ignorance or inferiority of our own, and will always be the cause of so great foreign attachment that upon principles of policy it is inadmissible. This country, in the times of our common danger and distress, found security in the principles and abilities which wise regulations had. before established in the minds of our countrymen; and our present happiness, joined to the pleasing prospects, should conspire to make us feel ourselves under the strongest obligations to form the youth, the rising hope of our land, to render the like glorious and essential services to our country."

Justifying itself upon principles like these, principles to which the powerful pen of Thomas Jefferson gave emphasis shortly afterward in behalf of Virginia's famous university, the charter proceeds to lay upon a broad and comprehensive basis

they were likewise expected to supervise the education of the whole state, and were charged with the control of all academies or common schools established or aided by public funds.

The institution was of necessity unsectarian, and extended its benefits alike to all citizens of the state regardless of religious belief; nor did it require of the officers of the institution more closely de

the provisions for a seat of learning designed to be the fountain-head from which the streams of knowledge might flow downward and permeate the whole educational system of the state. To this end the governing powers of the university were so qualified that, although having chief and immediate charge of that seat of learning,

fined tenets than adherence to the Christian faith. The governing body, known as the Senatus Academicus, was a dual organization, composed of a board of trustees and a board of visitors. The board of trustees consisted of thirteen members, in whom all the property rights and the immediate conduct of the affairs of the

tatives, to whom were added afterwards the senators from each of the counties, save that from which the speaker of the house was drawn. The board of visitors exercised a confirming power over the actions of the trustees when met together in joint session as the Senatus Academicus. The early records of the university show many formalities in the separate and joint assemblings of these two boards, as in August and January of each year they met to consider the business of the university, and to consult upon the general needs of education throughout the state. Their sessions occupied often more than a week of steady work, and one occasion is recorded when they so far fell from grace as to meet for business on Sunday.

History gives the chief credit for activity in connection both with the grant of lands and the framing of the university charter to Abraham Baldwin, a graduate of Yale College, only recently removed to Georgia, a man of scholarly attainments and possessed of the confidence of the people; but with him must be ranked John Houstoun, James Habersham, William Few, Joseph Clay, William Houstoun,

entrusted, to transform into a working educational institution, were formally accepted in 1786. It is difficult at this distance to properly estimate what such an undertaking meant. Colonel John Scriven of Savannah, a distinguished member of the present board of trustees, in an address delivered before the University Club of his native city, has drawn the following graphic picture of that period: "From December, 1778, when Savannah was captured by the British, to June, 1782, when it was evacuated by them, Georgia had been the theatre of violence, plunder, conflagration, and fratricidal strife, unequalled in all the dark drama of the Revolution. Wonder, terror, indignation, and pathos all mingled in the scene. Slaves had been deported, fields destroyed, dwelling-houses burned. Production seemed impossible; the people were penniless. The widow and the orphan wept for their slain, and cried out in the tortures of want and famine. Peace had come unsmiling- her garments were of woe, and she brought no bounty in her hands. The condition of the people, their number little more than half the present population of the city, seemed almost desperate."