to cope, "single-handed," with France, was now given up, and that after the enemy had brought his preparations for invasion to the highest state, he now seemed conscious of the vanity of his hopes; an effect for which he considered the country indebted to the excellent measures adopted for our defence, to the skill and gallantry of our officers and seamen, to the admirable discipline of our army and militia, and to the patriotism and valour of a new description of force, in the order of our brave and patriotic volunteers. His lordship intimated a doubt, whether, considering the animosity heretofore shewn by the enemy, his motives, in making the late overtures, might not have been to embarrass the government, to create divisions in parliament, or discontent in the country, by exciting too eager a desire for peace; in any of which cases he thought our best resource was in that firmness and unanimity, which he strongly

recomiended.

The address, which, as usual, contained sentiments in unison with those of his majesty's speech, was seconded by lord Gwydir, who congratulated the house on the exalted situation to which the country had attained, and the inability which the enemy, after all his gasconading, experienced of hazarding his boasted fleets and his flotilla from under the protection of the cannon of his shores. The rupture with Spain, he observed; had been long expected, and the only surprise was, how it could have been so long delayed. The councils, the treasures, the flects and the armies of Spain, had long been under the control of French despotism, nor could that devoted country maintain peace one

hour after the interests of France required that it should go to war. Self-preservation even required of us to seize upon the treasures of Spain, and employ them for our own defence, rather than suffer them to go, as had been the case through the war, to the payment and support of those armies, which France was collecting within sight of our coasts, and with which it was threatening our ruin. With respect to the communications lately sent from France, the house would be better able to form an opinion on them when it should be acquainted with their nature and extent; but, at all events, nothing could be lost by our perseverance in those strenuous exertions, which alone were likely to bring about, not a false and hollow security, like the last peace, not peace in words, and malignant hostility in actions, but a peace that would af ford a moral and well-founded assurance of lasting and mutual benefit.

Lord Carlisle said, that though he cordially agreed in every sentiment expressed in the speech, there were some topics connected with, and ad, verted to, by the two noble lords, which would require future explanation. What he alluded to was the mode of commencing the war with Spain, by the detention of some of her ships, and the representation made of the present respectable and formidable state of the army. In agreeing to the address, he wished to be understood as pledged to no opinion, on either of these subjects.

Lord Hawkesbury, (secretary of state,) admitted that the two points alluded to by the noble lord would be fit subjects for separate dis. cussion, and said that, when the proper occasion came, he should be ready to maintain that our conduct B 2

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they but ill deserved it) on the wisdom of their measures. But here nothing was said of the effect of that measure of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) for the improvement of our military system, which was last year supposed to make the whole difference between an administration of imbecility and one of rigour. There was not a word in the speech of the difference between the two, and he believed it would be admitted that the measure of last year bad altogether failed. IIe would not prejudge the subject of the Spanish war before the papers relating to it were before the house, but he must remark that the seizing of the Spanish frigates, loaded and destined as they were, did certainly bear an unseemlyappearance, and one not much to the honour of this country. Never was there a moment when this nation ought to stand more clear of reproach than the present, when we were accusing France of violations of the law of nations, and making them a ground of war with her; and when, upon that ground, we were calling upon foreign nations to make a common cause with us against her. He therefore hoped that neither Spain, nor any other nation, whether they vied with each other for outrage, violation, or contempt o the law of nations, or for their reverence for it, would have it in their power to accuse us justly either of any such outrage, violation, or contempt, or even of indifference to the principles of equity and moderation; and he further hoped that no partiality to our own country would induce us to everlook any of these principles, whether towards Spain or any other power, even though it should be a power in dispute with

The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Pitt) conceived the speech to be sufficiently explicit, in declar ing that confidential communications did subsist between his majesty and some of the continental powers, and gave the house assurances of the magnanimous sentiments entertained by the emperor of Russia, relative to the highest interests of Europe, as well as the security and independence of this country. This was surely sufficient for all those who thought that in making peace we should look to the re-establishment of those ancient continental relations, which French ambition had overthrown. As to the state of Ireland, he observed, that though that country certainly had not derived all the benefits from the union which that measure was capable of affording, yet great advantages had already attended it, and many others may speedily be expected. If the measures which the honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) now so loudly called for, appeared to him so immediately necessary, why did he suffer four years to elapse since the union, and never have called for them before?" What the reasons are," continued he, "which have induced me to suffer it to remain dormant, I shall, on a future occasion, have an opportu nity of stating, and I flatter myself that the house and the country will give me credit for consistency, when I have stated the reasons why I still think that the matter should remain dormant at the present moment." With respect to the plan of military defence which he proposed last year, though he admitted that its effects, in adding to the numbers of our military force, had hitherto been very small, yet he was far from thinking it a measure which ought not to B 3

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have been adopted. He mentioned that we had now a regular disposable force, far beyond that of last year, but admitted, at the same time, that it ought to be further augmented. In adverting to the detention of the Spanish ships, he said, he was confident that a little time would clear up and justify the suspicions which the honourable gentleman entertained upon that subject. He agreed that it was at all times necessary for this country to keep up its high character for moderation, justice, and honour, but was confident that the detention of the frigates would not, upon full explanation, be found a departure from the strictest rules of moderation and justice. All these topics may, in their turn, be subjects of discussion in that house, till which time it would be proper to postpone any debate upon them.

Mr. Windham vindicated the conduct of Mr. Fox, in urging the catholic claims now, when we had a cabinet that was friendly to them, though it would have been in vain to urge them during the administration of a hostile cabinet. With respect to our relative situation with the continent, he thought the communication was rather scanty, and should have wished to know to what extent the emperor of Russia was willing to co-operate with us against France, or what exertions he was disposed to make for the restoration of the ancient balance of power on the continent: but upon that subject he would wait, in hopes of further explanation. As to the rupture with Spain, and the detention of the frigates, though he did not feel himself in a situation to pronounce a final judgment, yet, judging of it from what was known as

yet, it could excite no other sent ment than reprobation. In sta ing this opinion, he wished it to understood as subject to such expla nations as might hereafter be afford ed. In adverting to the state of th regular army, he said, if the wor respectable applied to the qualit of our regular force, no man wa more ready to admit it; but if ap plied to their number, he must den the truth of the assertion. When h came to that part of the speec which mentioned the violent and un just proceedings of the French go vernment, he dwelt emphatically o the case of captain Wright, of th Vincejo ship of war, who, thoug taken valiantly fighting on board hi ship, in most clear and legitimat warfare, was detained a close pri soner in the Temple, and exposed to alarming threats, contrary t every rule and practice of war, a observed among civilized nations.This officer remained in that situa tion far longer than was consisten with the honour of this country, and if no other means of redress should be found effectual, he suggested whe ther it was not full time to recur te the only remaining one, of retalia. tion.On the question being ther put, the address was unanimously agreed to.

The address was accordingly presented to his majesty on the Thursday following, and a most gracious answer returned to it.

In the house of commons, on the 21st of January, Mr. Francis, after adverting to the variety of papers laid before them last year, relative to the causes of the war which began in 1803, against two of the principal Mahratta chiefs, Scindia and Boosla, and its conclusion by a treaty of peace signed after these

Chiefs had been reduced to submission, drew their attention to the other war, which broke out immediately, or soon after, with another Mahratta inferior chief, of the name of Holkar. Though it was probable that this chief had before this been reduced by the same force that had subdued the greatest powers of the Mahratta empire, yet, as he held it to be of importance to the safety of our possessions in India that a faithful communication of all transactions in India should be regularly laid before parliament, and as this inconsiderable chieftain Holkar had, in this petty war, surrounded with his cavalry and cut to pieces a whole detachment of ours, consisting of two complete companies of seapoys, some cannon, and fifty European artillery men; he should move that there be laid before this house, copies, or extracts, of all letters or correspondence, received from India since the last session of parliament, relative to hostilities between the British government and a Mahratta chief, called Jeswunt Rao Holkar, and the causes thereof, as far as may be consistent with the public service, and with the good faith due to persons from whom secret intelligence may have been received. The motion was agreed to.

The house of commons on the 23d of January, voted that 120,000 men, including 30,000 marines, be granted for the service of the navy, for the year 1805, and a sum not exceeding 2,886,000l. for the pay of the said men, at the rate of 11. 178. per man; a sum of 2,961,000l. for victualling, &c. at the rate of 17. 188. per man; and 4,68 00001. for wear and tear, &c. of shipping. In an swer to a question from Mr. John

stone, on the same day, the number of men now actually employed in the navy was stated to be about 107 or 108,000.

For several days after this, the business of the session proceeded in the ordinary course, without any debate of importance having taken place. Several votes were passed for supplies and public services, and a variety of motions made for differ→ ent papers which were productive of no more than conversations. On the 24th of January the chancellor of the exchequer presented to the house of commons, by his majesty's command, the papers relative to the discussion with Spain, in 1803 and 1804, and also a paper entitled "A declaration, dated Downing "Street, the 24th of January, "1805."*

On the 4th of February, the Se cretary at War having moved the army estimates of the year, being 12,395,490l. 7s. 6d. for 312,046 men, under the different heads of service, Mr. Francis, observing that there was a charge for 20,145 men in India, wished to know whether these were Europeans independant of the company, and whether the regiments composing the aggregate number were really complete. He did not think the number of Europeans in India could be more than 8 or 9000 men. The Secretary at War replied, that the troops were independant of the company, and the regiments, as well as he understood, complete, and far above the numbers stated by the honourable gentleman.

Colonel Calcraft objected to the enormous charge for general officers, amounting to 212 in number, unparalleled in the history of the B 4

country