obtained a special licence from or on the part of government. That it shall also be unlawful to export wheat, salted or pickled meat, and also cheese, to any port or ports situated on this side the Wezer, without a special licence, as aforesaid, to be obtained for each parcel separately. Art. XIV. That consequently no passport shall be deliver. ed for the said articles, nor the exportation of the same be suffered, neither of rye, oats, beans, pease, peeled barley, grouts, pork, and butter, to neutral ports, till after due proof be delivered at the custom-houses, that a sufficient security is given, to the satisfaction of the commissary, to whose district the place of the intended exportation belongs, for the triple valuc, to be forfeited, in case the contents of the bond of security be not accomplished within the time limited in the same. Art. XV. That the vouchers on which the bond of security will be cancelled, shall contain plain and pertinent evidence, delivered from the offices of customs or duties or admiralties at the place of delivery, or by the public or local authorities, legalised by the consul or commissary of the Batavian republic, if any there be at such place, that the vessel and goods mentioned in the bond of security be actually arrived there, and entered according to the customs of the country and that in no case any declarations made by private persons or merchants before any board of magistracy, or judicature, judge, public officer, or notary, or before whomsoever such instruments are usually passed, will be admitted, if the said instruments do not at the same time contain the affirmation of the said qualified board or person, in default of other proofs. -Art. XVI. That no vessels whatever, either in ballast, or wholly or partly laden, shall be at liberty to depart from their harbours or openings to the sea of this republic, without a permit of the commissary of the customs, to whose district the place of the departure or expedition belongs; which permit is to be exhibited, and countersigned at the outermost office of the customs, together with the documents in the 84th and 85th articles of the general placart on levying the customs enacted by their high mightinesses the 31st July, 1725, but not delivered up.-Art. XVII. That no master or passenger, or any of the crew, shall be permitted to take charge of, or carry along with them, any letter or letters, parcels, or any thing else, destined for any place or port situated in Great Britain, either to deliver such, themselves, at such place or port, or to deliver the same to fishing vessels or other vessels, on pain of one year's imprisonment in one or other house of correction in this republic, over and above a penalty of one thousand guilders, to be forfeited by the master, when such is committed by him, or takes place with his knowledge; for which the vessel shall be answerable and actionable; the masters and mates being also obliged to make declaration on this point, with the declaration prescribed by the 97th article of the general pla cart of 31st July, 1725.-Art. XVIII. That particularly with alteration and amplification of the 64th article of the general placart of the 31st July, 1725, it shall not only be unlawful for any person to ship or to land any goods on any of the strands or other points of land, where where no officers of the customs are stationed, but, moreover, no ship or vessel coming from sea shall be suffered to arrive there, except in real distress (which must be proved afterwards), neither to take her departure from thence, without a permit of the commissary of the customs. That by offices of the customs shall be here understood offices of payment and no others: and lastly, that for the better at taining our manifested will and intention, it is hereby reserved to withdraw and remove such offices to other places, and to determine through which of such offices it shall be exclusively lawful to export the articles mentioned in the 13th article, both by water and, by land, such as will be judged needful and expedient, in the same manner as this is enacted respecting the importation in Art. XI. and under the penalties therein mentioned.-Art. XIX. Also, that a boundary shall be drawn and determined along the whole extent of this republic on the landside, beyond which no magazines, depots or store-houses, of any wares, merchandizes, manufactures, or whatever it may be, shall be suffered to be kept, continued, or established, under whatever name or pretext it should be; but, on the contrary, those that are there at present are to be emptied and removed within the time of three months, on pain of all such magazines, depots, or store-houses of any sorts of wares, merchandizes and manufactures, which, to the contrary hereof, shall be found to exist beyond the said limits, on the territory of this republic, being emptied by the officers of this country, assisted, if need be, by military force, and the goods, of being transported to the national warehouses, and confiscated, and such, every time, repeatedly, as often as any such are or may be discovered: provided, however, that such boundary shall not be further, on any point, than one hour's walk from the frontiers, and that no walled cities will be considered lying beyond such limits, and also that care be taken, that this regulation do not extend to the corn or productions of any person's own cultivation, nor to small articles necessary for the use or maintenance of the inhabitants dwelling beyond such limits. And all this without prejudice to the regulations and directions contained in the general placart on levying the customs, enacted by their high mightinesses on the 31st July, 1725, and subsequent publications, in as far as the same are not deroga. ted by these presents. And we do accordingly order and direct, that these presents be published and affixed wherever this ought to be, enjoining all whom it doth concern, to see that the contents thereof be strictly performed. Letter of his Majesty the King of Prussia, acknowledging Napoleon us Emperor of the French. Dated Berlin, May 27th, 1804. Sir and Brother,The desire to maintain and to cultivate those relations of amity, and that perfect good understanding, in which I have hitherto had the pleasure of being with the French government, and at the same time to testify to you my high personal regard, has induced me to transmit, without delay, these presents to my minister of state, the marquis de Lucchesini, to accredit him to your person in the quality of my ambassador extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. I accordingly request you to believe whatever he may have the honour to say or to propose to you on my part, He will, in particular, fulfil my in. tentions by giving your imperial majesty to understand the sentiments which I have ever cherished towards you; the sincere interest which I have never ceased to take in all that is calculated to increase and strengthen the prosperity and the welfare of the nation over which you rule; and my ardent wishes that this prosperity may be still farther augmented by the happy restoration of peace and tranquillity in Europe. You will invariably find, in my mode of thinking and acting, the same candour and the same confidence in you, which I have hither to been so anxious to shew you. While I give you this assurance, I likewise renew, with pleasure, that of the sentiments of friendship, and the highest consideration with which I am, your imperial majesty's good brother and friend, Frederick William. Declaration delivered at Vienna, by the Russian Ambassador, Count Rasomowsky, on the 31st of August, 1805. It would be superfluous to revert here to the motives which have induced his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, to recal the plenipotentiary whom he had sent, in concert with his Britannic majesty, to nego tiate with the head of the French government, on the subject of peace. -These grounds are too just and obvions not to merit the attention of all Europe. They are contained in the note which was transmitted to the ministers of his Prussian majesty, by M. Novosiltzoff, on the 28th June (July 10), and the conclusion to which they have given rise, is a consequence of those very sentiments and principles which have led his imperial majesty to exert himself with incessant anxiety for the restoration of the general tranquillity.— Since the rupture between England and France, his majesty has beheld, with astonishment and commisera tion, the greater part of the states of the continent compelled, in succession, to bear the burden of a war, which, in its origin, is plainly of a maritime nature, and foreign to their direct interests. He could not, however, cherish the hope, that this melancholy state of things might be put an end to, by means of a frank and friendly negotiation, when he perceived that, without the slightest regard to these solemn proceedings, which tended to the restoration of peace, and even at the very moment when Russia offered to negotiate for its attainment, the number of states which lost their independence, con. tinued to increase. When his imperial majesty resolved to recal his plenipotentiary, he was actuated merely by the consideration that this mission could not produce any pacific result, and not from his hav ing, in any respect, renounced his ardent desire of restoring peace to Europe. Of this disposition, the emperor gave the most convincing demonstration, in his acceding to the application made by his imperial Roman and apostolic majesty, to England, England, France, and Russia, with so combined as to afford a well the view of renewing the negotiation which had been broken off. His imperial majesty, however, cannot, at the same time, conceal the possibility, that a conduct, on the part of France, similar to that which has already compelled the emperor to tread back his first steps towards a negotiation for peace, may likewise render nugatory the negociation which Austria is desirous of renewing. The painful apprehension is justified by experience, that new usurpations might be accomplished at the moment when the negotiation was recommenced, or whilst it was carrying on. The apprehension that still greater dangers might arise to the happiness of Europe, from a measure, the obvious tendency of which is its entire deliverance; the certainty that these dangers would become inevitable, as soon as the just demands of the continental powers became totally irreconcileable with the pretensions which might be urged by the French government, in virtue of its successive usurpations; the obligation also which his majesty feels, in the present melancholy and difficult circumstances, of aiding his allies, whose safety and even existence is so seriously threatened, and, in short, of affording them, not an illusory, but an effective, immediate, and energetic assistance; all these motives unite in prescribing the only line of conduct which his imperial majesty has to pursue.-Russia cannot now re-commence the negotiation which has been broken off, under any circumstance, until she has placed herself in a situation to be able to assist her allies at the moment when they might be attacked, and to preserve Europe from total subversion. Her measures must be grounded hope that a negotiation for peace will augur happier results than those which were expected from all the pacific advances hitherto made, and which unfortunately have been distinguished only by the want of respect, shown on the part of France, to the remonstrances and propositions of Russia and other continental powers, and by a conti nually progressive increase of the dangers of Europe.-In consequence of the above considerations, the undersigned has it in charge to notify to the ministry of his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty, in answer to the note presented by Count Von Stadion to the cabinet of St. Petersburgh, on the 26th of July (7th August), that his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, upon the subject thereof, has come to the following resolutions:-To accede to the request of renewing the negotiation for peace, which had been broken off by the recal of M. Novosiltzoff, and to take measures for that purpose, as soon as the head of the French government should manifest a smilar disposition; without delay to march two armies of 50,000 men each, through Gallicia to the Danube, as a measure of precaution, in order to confine the support of a powerful army of observation, with the negotiations for peace; which army would be in a situation to prevent all farther aggressions during the period of pacification, and to secure, at its completion, Austria, and all the neighbouring powers, against any farther attack on the part of France; to invite his imperial and apostolic majesty, and some other powers, to co-operate on their part in this salutary measure, the propriety of which the French govern. ment ment itself, upon an impartial consideration of the case, could not fail to see. Whilst the undersigned acquits himself of this duty towards the Austrian cabinet, he must likewise, in compliance with the strict injunctions of the emperor his master, add, that nothing but the sincere wish of restoring peace to Europe, actuates his conduct upon this occasion; that Russia will manifest the most conciliatory disposition in any negotiation for peace, and adopt every measure that may promote its happy completion; and his imperial majesty solemnly declares, that he is ready to recal his troops, as soon as the much desired security of all the states of Europe shall be obtained.-His imperial majesty formally invites his imperial royal and apostolic majesty to join in the measures which he has adopted; and the undersigned is fully authorized to concert with the Austrian cabinet every thing connected with the present important state of affairs. Second Declaration of the Court of Vienna to the French Court; transmitted from Vienna to Paris on the 3d of September, 1805. The court of Vienna yields, with out delay, to the request which the emperor of France has made of a categorical explanation respecting the motive of its preparations. The court of Vienna has no other motive than that of maintaining peace and friendship with France, and securing the general tranquillity of the continent. It has no other wish than that the emperor of the French may entertain corresponding sentiments.The maintenance of peace, however, between two states, does not merely 2 consist in their not attacking each other. It depends not less, in rea lity, on the fulfilment of those treaties on which peace is founded. That power which transgresses in so essential a point, and refuses to attend to the reclamations to which such a conduct gives rise, is as much the aggressor as if it openly and unjustly attacked the other party.-The peace between Austria and France was founded upon the treaty of Luneville. One of the articles of that treaty, stipulated and guaranteed the independence of the Italian, Helvetic, and Batavian republics, and left them at liberty to chuse their own governments. Any mea sures, therefore, which tend to com. pel these states to chuse a government, constitution, or sovereign, otherwise than according to their free will, or otherwise than is consistent with the maintenance of a real political independence, is a breach of the peace of Luneville, and it is the duty of Austria to com. plain of such a violation.-A wish to maintain reciprocal friendship, to acquire confidence, to secure the public tranquillity from great dangers, may, under critical and delicate circumstances, induce the reclaiming party to adopt precautions, to shew great moderation in complaints, and to defer the discussion of them to future negotiations. This con. duct does not imply any contradiction of the stipulations of the treaty; but that power which goes farther, which refuses all explanation, which avoids all mediation, and employs menaces instead of the means of reconciliation, forgets as much the laws of friendship, as the sacred rights of peace.-The maintenance of general tranquillity requires that each power should confine itself within |