within its own frontiers, and respect the rights and independence of other states, whether strong or weak. That tranquillity is troubled, when any power appropriates to herself a right of occupation, protection, or influence, when that right is neither founded on the laws of nations, nor on treaties; when she speaks after peace of the right of conquest; when she employs force and menaces to prescribe laws to her neighbours, and compels them to sign treaties of alliance, concession, subjugation, or incorporation at her will; when she, above all, in her own journals, attacks every sovereign, one after another, with language offensive to their dignity; when, finally, she sets herself up as an arbitress to regulate the common interests of nations, and wishes to exclude every other state from taking any part in the maintenance of tranquillity and the balance of power. One she would exclude, because it is too distant; another, because it is separated by an arm of the sea from the continent; and evading an answer to the remonstrances of the powers nearest the danger, assembles troops on their frontiers, and threatens them with a rupture if they place themselves in a state of defence.--Under such circumstances, it becomes necessary for other powers to arm, to support each other, and to join in maintain ing their own, and the general security. Thus the military preparations of the court of Vienna are provoked by the preparations of France, as well as by her neglect of all means of securing and maintaining a true peace and future tranquillity. All Europe knows the sincerity of the wish for peace which his imperial majesty has displayed, and the punctuality wherewith he has fulfilled the obligations of the treaty VOL, XLVII, of Luneville; that sincerity cannot fail to be recognized in the great concessions made in consequence of the injurious extension given to that treaty in Germany, and in the not less great moderation with which his imperial majesty has conducted himself on the first departure of the French republic from that treaty, in respect to the concerns of the other republics. While these changes were ascribed to the necessity of securing from all danger the disclosure of the plans for the restoration of monarchical government in France, his majesty made no difficulty to recognize the state of things which, towards the end of the year 1802, was estab lished in Italy. His majesty's confidence in the views of the first consul was confirmed by the obligations which the latter owed to the Italian republic in his character of president, by his frequent and solemn assurances, before and after his elevation to the imperial dignity, that he was far from entertaining any plans of farther aggrandisement or of encroachment on the independence of the Italian states. In fine, by the pledges which he had given to the emperor of Russia, particularly with respect to the indemnification of the king of Sardinia, and the general arrangement of the affairs of Italy. -All these considerations concurred in exciting and cherishing in his majesty's bosom, the hope that the consolidation of the new empire of the French, would speedily bring back the policy and proceedings of its government to a system of deportment compatible with the balance of power and the safety of Europe; and some time after, when the Grst reports of new meditated changes in the states of Lombardy, induced the ambassador from the court of Vienna, at Paris, to demand explanations Y y upon upon this subject; his majesty, by the official assurance communicated in the name of the emperor Napoleon, was confirmed in his hopes that the Italian republic would not be united with France, and that no innovation should take place which might prove injurious to its political independence.-Europe will decide whether these promises have been fulfilled. The emperor has not ceased to demand their execution, as the correspondence evinces, which took place between the two governments, and also the official and ostensible propositions which were transmitted to the ambassador Count Philip Cobentzel; and though the notes in which the emperor Napoleon communicated his intentions as to the establishment of a kingdom of Italy, were accompanied with threats and military preparations; though every thing, at the very time, indicated what events have since confirmed, that the emperor of the French was resolved to accomplish these innovations by force, his majesty, nevertheless, did not remonstrate against dispositions, which were announced to him as nothing more than a previsional arrangement. He rested satisfied with refuting the charges which furnished a pretext for those menaces, and with expressing his hope, that the principle of separation and independence, which had been consecrated by the treaty, should be carried into complete execution by the definitive arrangements, which the emperor Napoleon left to depend upon ulterior negotiations with the courts of St. Petersburgh and London, at the period of the re-establishment of peace. These negotiations were, in fact, the only hope which remained to his majesty of succeeding, by conciliatory means, in maintaining peace, and ultimately to restore repose to Europe, which, from its northern to its southern extremity, laboured under alarms excited by enterprizes, which momentarily increased, both in number and magnitude.-His majesty the emperor of the French had made a pacific overture to the king of England, in terms which pretended to preclude the latter from the right of taking any concern in the important interests of the continent. This restriction, combined with the relations existing between the king of England and the court of St. Petersburgh, induced his Britannic majesty to have recourse to the mediation of his majesty the emperor of Russia. Notwithstanding the suspension of all official relations with France, his majesty did not hesitate to employ his mediation, to dispatch an ambassador for that purpose, and to make application to the sovereign of France to furnish him with pass. ports.-The hopes, however, to which these pacific steps gave birth, speedily vanished. At the very moment when the requisite passports were transmitted to the Russian negotiator, to enable him to proceed on his journey to France, fresh attacks were made on the political existence of other independent states in Italy. From that instant the em peror Alexander conceived that his character must have been compromised as a mediator. On the other hand, French armies were rapidly assembled in Italy, without any re gard to the promises given, that no military preparations should take place in that country. An encampment of thirty thousand men in the plain of Marengo, was speedily fol. lowed by another encampment of for. ty thousand on the frontiers of the Tyrol, Tyrol, and the Austro-Venetian provinces. His majesty thus found himself under the necessity of providing, without delay, for his own safety. He was now convinced that his paci. fic, friendly, and moderate sentiments, were not met by such sentiments on the part of his majesty the emperor of the French, as to permit him any longer to neglect taking the necessary measures for asserting his just rights, and maintaining the dignity of his empire. This is the cause of his present armament. The same dispositions, however, which made his majesty so anxious to avoid a recurrence to such measures, have also determined their precise object. The emperor arms not with hostile views: he arms not to operate a diversion against a landing in England. Besides, the execution of this descent, after two years' menaces, does not seem to be exactly calculated for the moment when France provokes Austria and Russia, by enterprizes which have no relation whatever to the quarrel with Great Britain. The emperor arms for the maintenance of the peace existing between him and France. He arms for the maintenance of those pacific stipulations, without which this peace would become illusory, and to attain that just equipoise which depends on the moderation of all the powers interested, and which is calculated to secure the balance and the permanent tranquillity of Europe.-The step by which his majesty has at the same time invited all the courts interested to renew the negotiations which have been broken off, is directed to the same object. The unexpected rejection which his interposition has experienced on the part of his majesty the emperor of the French, does not prevent him' from renewing that invitation.—He has been more fortunate in his application to the emperor Alexander. This monarch, who fills so honourable and distinguished a place in the senate of the powers of Europe, whose equality and general prosperity form the objects of his constant solicitude, testifies, in the answer he has transmitted, and which is hereto annexed, a similar wish with that of his majesty, for the conclusion of a just and moderate arrangement. He is also convinced of the necessity of an eventual armament; and, on account of the distance which he has to pass, in order to support the cause of justice and the issue of his moderation, he feels it to be his duty to cause a part of his troops to advance, for the purpose of conferring on the said mediation all the importance and all the effect which are worthy of so great a power. As a demonstration of the rectitude of the sentiments entertained by the two imperial courts of Austria and Russia, it is hereby formally declared in the name of both: "That they are ready to "enter into a negotiation with France, for maintaining the peace "of the continent on the most mo"derate terms which are compati"ble with the general tranquillity " and security: that whatever shall "be the issue of the negotiations, " and even should the commence. "ment of hostilities become una. "voidable, they, at the same time, 66 pledge themselves to abstain from "every proceeding tending to in"terfere with the internal concerns of France; or to alter the state " of possession, and the legally ex"isting relations in the German "empire: or, in the slighest degree, Y y 2 to 66 66 "to injure the rights or interests "of the Ottoman Porte, the inte"grity of whose dominions they 66 are, on the contrary, prepared "to defend to the utmost of their << power: Finally, that the senti"ments of Great Britain are con"formable with those herein expressed, and that she has displayed the same moderate disposition for the "restoration of peace between her "and France." His majesty hopes that this sincere and frank declaration will serve to remove any doubts which his majesty the emperor Napoleon may entertain respecting his views and motives. His majesty will be happy, and his highest wish will be gratified, if this declaration tend to prevent those misfortunes which it is not in his power alone to avert from mankind. Proclamation issued by the Emperor of Austria to his Hereditary States. Dated Sept. 1805. We, Francis the secoud, emperor elect of the Romans, hereditary emperor of Austria, &c.-Facts known to all the world prove, that since the conclusion of the treaty of Luneville, we have had nothing so much at heart, as the maintenance of the peace which we had procured for our faithful people by the said treaty. The scrupulous accomplishment of all the obligations which that treaty imposed upon us; the observance of a perfect neutrality in the naval war, and the most friendly moderation, when the emperor of the French violated several of the principal stipulations of the peace, and endangered, by numerous abuses, the repose and equilibrium of Europe, gave us every right to hope with confidence, that our warm and sincere desire for peace would be fulfilled. Yet, the armaments ordered by the emperor of the French close to the frontiers of the Tyrol, and the duchy of Venice, joined to direct menaces, required of our pa rental solicitude for our heredi tary states, counter armaments, which, however, though destined to do away our fears for the safety of our states, could not be to France a subject of mistrust or of open complaint. At the same time that we took these measures of precaution, to which we saw ourselves forced, we took with the courts of Petersburgh and Paris, when negotiations to be opened between those two courts had been frustrated, the proper measures, nevertheless, to attain the salutary object, and to produce the resumption of the negotiations for peace interrupted. The court of France did not ac knowledge our intentions on this head, and refused our mediation. The court of Russia, on the contrary, declared itself ready to open, in concert with us, and with equal moderation, pacific negotiations, and to employ an armed mediation for the re-establishment of the repose, security, and political balance of agitated Europe. We, far removed from the desire of seeing a new war break out, but convinced of the imperious necessity of those energetic measures, which can alone insure real and lasting peace, par take perfectly the determination of the emperor of all the Russias on this subject, and hope from its good execution, with well-founded confidence, the desired effect. But also we expect, with no less confidence, that our dear and faithful subjects who have afforded us, for thirteen years years of a reign, accompanied with the most extraordinary events, so many deep proofs of unshaken attachment, will support us with all their might in this undertaking, formed with a view to their real good, and will hasten, in consequence, to aid ns in restoring that happy state of things which was always our first object, and the wish nearest to our heart. We expect then, of our faithful states and subjects, that they will not only continue to pay regularly the tax called the classes, which has been levied in 1805, and which has been prolonged in 1806, by a particular patent, dated this day, but that they will also furnish, with no less good will to maintain our armies more easily, contributions in kind, consisting of corn and oats. (The proclamation then fixes the number of bushels for each province.) However willingly we should grant to our faithful states and subjects the usual indemnity for these supplies, we cannot this time satisfy this desire, because our finances, obliged to make head against so many other extraordinary expences, are not in a condition also to supply the indemnity, and that there would thus remain to pay it no other resource, than to raise the necessary sums by means of another contribution in money. Letter from M. Talleyrand to Count Cobentzel, on his sending him a Memorial, in Answer to his Note of Sept. 3. The undersigned has the honour to transmit to his excellency count Cobentzel, the annexed memorial, drawn up in consequence of the note of the cabinet of Vienna, which count Cobentzel addressed to the undersigned on the 3d of September. Since that memorial received the approbation of his majesty the emperor of the French, the Austrian army has passed the Inn and invaded Bavaria. If the pacific sentiments with which his majesty the emperor of Germany and of Austria says he is animated, be real, he must be aware that no negotiation can be entered upon; that no proposition can be listened to, unless the Austrian troops recross the Inn, and return to their due limits. If the court of Vienna refuses to withdraw them, it is the intention of his majesty to compel him to it by force of arms. The calamities which must be the inevitable consequence of such a war, will wholly redound upon the house of Austria, and victory will declare against the oppressor, in favour of the weaker oppressed. The undersigned has received from his majesty the emperor and king, express orders to declare, that in no case his majesty will suffer Austria to aggrandize her- · self in Germany, or to make acquisitions in Bavaria, and accomplish the project she has often betrayed, to extend her frontiers to the Lech, and to drive the elector of Bavaria to the left bank of the Danube. Such a project is too decidedly hostile to the interest of the Germanic Body, to those of France, to the promises in which his majesty the emperor and king has bound himself, to the engagements into which he has entered to maintain the integrity of Bavaria. After this positive declaration of a resolution which, in every circumstance which may arise, will be an invariable rule of conduct for France, it will be for the house of Austria to consider, whether it be Y y 3 her |