intimate a manner with her enemy, that it was rendered impossible to distinguish the one from the other. In this point, however, prudence was to interpose, and circumstances to direct. It was not therefore, until every attempt to bring Spain to a clear declaration of pacific intentions had been tried without success, in the manner we have already seen, the war was actually declared against her. This declaration was made, on our part, in London, the 2d of January of the present year.

Since Great Britian was a kingdom, she never was in such a doubtful and dangerous situation; for at this time she was engaged, directly or indirectly, in a war, not only with all the great continental powers, but, what is more material, with the most considerable part of the maritime strength of Europe. According to the ordinary computations, the navy of Spain consisted of more than an hundred men of war; and though the French navy was greatly reduced, it became of consideration when added to the Spanish. Great efforts were made to render it respectable. Several communities in France engaged to fit out men of war at their own expence and in general that whole people felt, after having been sunk under a long despondency, a momentary glow of hope and animation from this alliance, so powerful in its real strength, and in its principles so flattering to the national vanity. The glory of their royal house was, on this occasion, united with the safety of their country. They were reinforced by the most cordial amity of a power untouched in its resources of men, money, and stores; whilst Great

Britian was exhausted of men by her many victories, and her resources were sinking under a debt of more than one hundred millions.

Besides, a rude shock had been lately given to the system of the English ministry, which might be supposed, in some degree, likely to affect public credit. The part which Mr. P. might finally take, and the consequences which might

result from his actions, were extremely undetermined; nor was it at all clear what degree of harmony and real confidence continued amongst the several parts of the subsisting administration. All these considerations could not fail of inspiring France with great confidence.

Great Britian, under, these circumstances, had, however, some things in her favour. The hope of plunder, which always attends a Spanish war, disposed the minds of many towards the present; and was sure to call forth a very vigorous exertion both of public and private strength. This circumstance also insured the supplies.

With regard to the administration, their delay in entering into this Spanish war, contrary to the ideas of Mr. P. his resignation in consequence of this delay; the necessity which so soon after appeared, of engaging in hostilities, and which, to the bulk of the people, seemed to justify the sentiments of that minister, together with a recollection of the singular spirit with which the French war had been carried on, must necessarily have excited them to the most strenuous efforts, and to every act of laudable emulation. There was a necessity of shewing, that the spirit of the nation, and the wisdom of its coun[B]3

cils,

ments of the capacity of her former kings and commanders. During the interval of her fubjection, new commercial powers had rifen, fome on the ruins of her fortune, and others upon different, but not lefs fubftantial foundations. Though the Bra zils were recovered, and Goa and fome other places in India remained ftill to Portugal, her maritime power, and the share of trade, on which it depended, were not recoverable. Contrary to the fate of other nations, who have fhaken off a foreign dominion, fhe did not owe her liberty to great abilities. Whilft the United Provinces were first freed, and afterwards aggrandized, by the capacity of the princes of Orange, and whilft Pruffia, from an inconfiderable and dependent principality, grew into a formi dable monarchy by the genius of her fovereigns, Portugal continued 10 languifh in a state of mediocrity. Without any fymptoms of danger to her existence, the fuffered a gradual decay of her power and confideration. The character of her government was narrow and bigotted, and the whole fyftem of her commerce prepofterous. If, on the one hand, a long peace added to the refources of her revenue, it, on the other, abfolutely annihilated her military; and no country in the world had an army fo incomplete in numbers, fo ill furnished with arms, fo deficient in difcipline, and fo wholly unprovided of able and experienced officers.

a

In this condition the fuffered fatal blow from the earthquake in 1756. The wealthy and flourishing city of Lifbon was laid level with the ground; near thirty thou fand of the inhabitants were bu red in the ruins; and those who

remained, with the court itself, were reduced to the utmost distress and misery.

As if this earthquake, which overturned their capital, had also shaken and distracted the frame of their government, and the temper of their minds, the most dreadful distempers broke out in the state. A series of horrid crimes, and of cruel punishments, succeeded to this calamity. The most noble and wealthy family of Portugal, having engaged itself in a sacrilegious attempt on the life of their sovereign, was cut off at once, with little distinction of sex or age, by a bloody and dreadful exertion of justice. Many others, who were accused or suspected, suffered death, or exile, or imprisonment. Amongst these, and from the same causes, one of the most considerable religious orders for wealth, influence, and policy, was stripped of its possessions, and entirely driven out of the country.

All these circumstances left this unhappy kingdom in the utmost weakness and confusion. All those, and they were not a few, who were attached by connection of blood or interest to the nobles that had suffered, or by religious prejudice to the Jesuits who had been expelled, could never be cordially relied upon by the crown, and were probably as little inclined to any extraordinary efforts in favour of a government, which their resentments must have represented to them as no better than a bloody tyranny.

The Bourbon confederacy had some ground to suppose that Portugal, in this situation, would not have courage to withstand their menaces, and much less ability for any long time to resist their [B] 1

efforts.

efforts. The Spanish army overspread the frontiers of Portugal; the commerce of corn between the two kingdoms was prohibited, and every thing threatened a sudden invasion. In the midst of

6th Mar. these hostile preparations, the French and Spanish ministers presented a joint memorial to the court of Lifbon, which was followed by several others. The purport of these memorials was to persuade his most faithful majesty to enter into the alliance, and co-operate in the measures of the two crowns, against Great Britain.

It was not easy to find very convincing arguments to induce Portugal to adopt so extraordinary a change of system. The united crowns, in a memorial which was signed by the ambassadors of both, insisted largely on the tyranny which Great Britain exerted upon all powers, especially the maritime, and upon Portugal among the rest; on the particular insult which had been offered to her jurisdiction, by Boscawen's attack on de la Clue's squadron in a Portuguese harbour; on that affinity, by which the two monarchs of Spain and Portugal are as closely connected by their ties of blood, as all powers are by a common interest, to oppose the ambitious designs of the English.

Whatever these arguments were deficient in reason, was made up by a ftrong insinuation of force. The memorial concluded with a declaration, that as soon as his most faithful majesty had taken his resolution, which they doubted not would prove favourable, their army was ready to enter Portugal, and to garrison the principal ports of that kingdom, in order to prevent

the danger to which they might be exposed from the attempts of the English.

The two ministers added to this extraordinary memorial, that they were ordered by their courts to demand a categorical answer in four days; and that any delay, beyond that time, should be considered as a negative.

The situation of Portugal was at this time certainly worthy of compassion. If, contrary to her known interests, contrary to her ancient connections, and to the faith of treaties, she should engage in this offensive alliance, she must expect to see her territories and her colonies exposed to the formidable navies of England. This, however dangerous a condescension, was not to secure her; by her own act, the would have put herself, bound hand and foot, into the power of the Bourbon alliance: and having received foreign garrisons into all her places of strength, would have reduced herself to the condition of a province of Spain. On the other hand, if she adhered to her faith, and attempted to maintain her independency, an army of sixty thousand men was ready to enter her territories, which contained no place of real strength, and which had not twenty thousand troops, and those ill armed, and worse disciplined, to defend it.

In this emergency, the firmness of the king of Portugal was eminent, and such as must deliver his name to posterity to the utmost distinguished advantage. He resolved steadily to adhere to his ancient and natural alliance, and to brave all dangers and difficulties, that he might preserve his fidelity inviolable; following that generous maxim of king John of France,

that

that if good faith were to be banished from all other parts of the world, it ought to be found in the breast of sovereigns.

His answer to this insulting proposition was humble and moderate, but firm: he observed, that the ties, which equally united him to Great Britain and the two crowns, rendered him as proper a mediator to them all, as they made it improper for him to declare himself an enemy to any of them; that his alliance with England was ancient, and therefore could give no offence at this conjuncture; that it was purely defensive, and therefore innocent in all its circumstances; that the late sufferings of Portugal disabled her (in case she were willing) from taking part in an offensive war, into the calamities of which, neither the love his faithful majesty bore to his subjects as a father, nor the duty by which he was bound to them as a king, could suffer him to plunge them, Finally, he reminded the catholic king of his pacific dispositions, by which, on former occasions, he had yielded so much, to preserve peace between the two kingdoms.

This reasonable and moderate answer drew on replies, which more and more disclosed the true character and spirit of the Bourbon confederacy. They denied that the alliance with England was purely defensive, or entirely innocent; and for this unheard-of reason, that the defensive alliance is converted into an offensive one, from the situation of the Portuguese dominions, and from the nature of the English power: the English squadron, said they, cannot keep the sea in all seasons, nor cruize on the principal coasts for cutting off the French and Spanish

navigation, without the ports and the assistance of Portugal; that these islanders could not insult all maritime Europe, if all the riches of Portugal did not pass into their hands; that therefore Portugal furnishes them with the meaus to make war; and their alliance with the court of Great Britain is offensive.

Certainly, the situation of a country was never before given as a reason, however it might have served as a secret motive, for declaring war against it. Nor was it before heard, that the common advantages of trade, derived from a neutral nation, could be deemed an act of hostility. These were rather insults than arguments. And the whole proceedings of the united crowns were in the same strain: they undertook to judge for Portugal of the pretended yoke which was imposed upon her by England, and which the could not herself discover; to resent injuries for her, for which she had received and accepted satisfaction; and, as if this had not been indignity sufficient, they insultingly inform the king of Portugal, that he ought to be glad of the necessity which they laid upon him to make use of his reason, in order to take the road of his glory, and the common interest. This necessity was the immediate march of their army to take possession of his dominions.

So extraordinary a treatment neither intimidated the king from the firmness of his resolution, nor provoked him to change from the moderation of his language. He maintained, that the treaties of league and commerce which subsisted between Portugal and Great Britain, are such as the law of God, of nature, and of nations, have always deemed innocent. He intreat

ed