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Friend to my Country on St. Domingo

SUMMARY OF POLITICS-St. Domingo-Causes of the War-Finance-Defence

of the Country-French Bishops-Mr. Sheridan

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS-Vote of Thanks to the Volunteers-Russia-Ireland 210
Letter I, from Mr. Cobbett to Mr. Sheridan

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS-Prince of Wales -Russia-Sierra Leona-Subcription
at Lloyd's-Volunteer Corps-Dumourier-Ireland

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Anti-Charlatan on the Consecration of the Colours of the Volunteer Corps
Cambricus in Defence of the Character of the late Lord Kenyon

SUMMARY OF POLITICS-Negligence of Ministers-The Fast-The Funds-The

Military Appointments-Spain and Portugal

Letter VII from Mr. Cobbett to Mr. Sheridan

Juverna's Introductory Letter on the Affairs of Ireland

SUMMARY OF POLITICS-The Volunteers-Ireland-Edinburgh Resolutions-
Lloyd's Fund-The Black Empire-Spain and Portugal-Esprit-de-Corps
Juverna, Letter III, on the Affairs of Ireland

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Philo-Patria to Sir Digby Mackworth, in Reply to his Defence of the Oxford Vo-

lunteer

Parties extracted from the Morning Chronicle 938, and continued at
SUMMARY OF POLITICS-Russia-Invasion-Irish Priests-Volunteer Corps-
Army of Reserve-Capital-Credit and Confidence-Neutrals-Parties
Juverna, Letter V, on the Affairs of Ireland

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LISTS, TABLES, STATEMENTS, AND ACCOUNTS.
Account of the Value of Imports into Great Britain for Eighteen Years, end-
ing January 5th, 1803, exclusive of Corn and other Grain, and exclusivo
of Importation from the East-Indies and China; together with the diffe-

re between the official and declared Value of British Produce and

Mariafictures exported for as many Years of the same Period as can be

made up

Abstract Statement of the Public Income of Great-Britain for the Year ending on

the 5th of January, 1803, from the Accounts laid before Parliament

Account of the Consolidated Fund of Great Britain for the Year ended on the 5th

o' January, 1803

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Account of the Sums actually received by the Commissioners for the Reduction
the National Debt; for the Year ended the 5th of January, 1803

Account of the Interest paid on Exchequer Bills; for the Year ended on the 5th of

January, 1803 -

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VOL. IV. No. 1.]

London, Saturday, 9th July, 1803.

[ Price 100 "I concur with my noble friend (Lord Hawkesbury) in thinking, that, so far as our security is conce a "ed, the extension of French territory ought to excite no immediate alarm; and that, relative to "France, we are now in a state of greater security than in any former period of our history. The dangers "which may flow from the extension of territory, are not the danges of the present moment: they can only "be dangers of a remote period; a period by far too remote to be calculated upon in judging of the effects " of the present peace."-LORD CASTLEREAGH'S SPEECH, MAY 14, 1802.

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AN ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE OF THE CONTINENTAL POLITICS OF GREATBRITAIN AND THE CAUSES OF THE PRESENT WAR.

Terrorum et fraudis abunde est ; Stant belli causa.-VIRGIL.

Engaged as we are so soon again in hostilities with France, with very little hopes of terminating our differences either by negotiation, or under the arbitration of any foreign power, it has very properly been asked, could we have avoided the present contest consistently with the honour and dignity of this nation? Mutual complaints bave, for some time, filled the public prints of both nations: our minds are inflamed with real or supposed injuries: the ancient enmity between this country and France, which no length of time, no fortune can eradicate, has broke out, and war, whether from necessity or design, seems not so much to be dreaded as sought. I revere that gallant, unconquerable spirit of my country. men, which supported them, during the late bloody contest, amidst the wreck and dissolution of nations, and struck terror into their enemies before whom the rest of Europe fell down in abject submission. I hoour that patriotic zeal and firmness which they now display on the eve of a war, which, God knows, may excede all the former in its horrors and duration. But let us act rashly stake, if it be possible to prevent it, the existence of our nation; the tranquillity of our colonies, and the safety of Europe upon the event of a war, entered into, it may be, without sufficient grounds, and execrated when too late to retreat with Lonour. It is of the utmost importance for the people to be satisfied with the conduct of their rulers. In time of war, nothing can be of greater moment to the internal peace and security of the nation. We may be unavoidably forced to draw the sword; but if there is the least ground to suppose, that, either through indecision, or want of firmness, or, what may sometimes give rise to both, a dread of losing the honours and emoluments of office, to which the honour

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of this country has more than once been sacrificed, we are ultimately involved in the calamities of war, the just indignation of the people will at length rise against the authors of their dishonour and their sufferings. The last war unfortunately divided the sentiments of the people. By some, it was accounted just and necessary; by others, oppressive and odious. And, hence it was, that an active opposition retarded the plans of the minister, and gave countenance to those restless, ambitious men, who, dazzled with imaginary greatness, wished to rise upon their country's dishonour. I hope that the present contest is begun with clearer views of its necessity. I hope that it will unite all our hearts and hands in the defence of our country. And, if it can be shewn, that we have been driven upon it by the united designs of treachery, ambition, and envy; that our respectability in the eyes of other powers is at stake; that our existence as a nation is endangered; that our religion, laws, and liberties, for which alone life is worth possessing, are all menaced; we shall then, I hope, feel but one sentiment, to act as becomes the honour and dignity of Britons; to fight, if it be necessary, at the tombs of our fathers, in defence of that independence, of that religion, and of that proud, unsullied honour, which they transmitted to their posterity as the noblest gift they could bequeath.

The known character of the First Consul of the French, is a sufficient ground for jealousy and alarm. His great military talents; his unsatiable ambition; his despotic power; his violent measures; his unblushing perfidy; his open and secret treachery, are all formidable, suspicious, and dangerous. The animosity he is known to bear against this country, which alone turned back the tide of his ambition and deprived him of the much wished for name of a s cond Alexander, never left him, even amidst the pacific congratulations of ambassadors, and the lively feelings of an oppressed, miserable people. The conduct which he has pursued towards the unresisting powers up

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