to go should bind themselves so to do, and should be immediately called forth, to be instructed as often as the circumstances of the case will allow. I am convinced, Sir, from that good sense which the people of this country possess, added to their love of their country, and the connexions they have in it, that there would not be five refusals in five hundred. You would then get the object of this bill; but in a way much more popular and more extensively beneficial to the country. It has been said, "I won't compel one man to go into the army, in order that he may be instructed;" but this bill says, "I will compel a whole people to be instructed." I can easily believe a man may be compelled to go into the army or the navy, and may thereby be made a good soldier or sailor; but I can never believe, that a whole people can be compelled to enter into any mode of instruction by which they may be enabled to defend their country, if such compulsion be altogether against their sentiments and inclinations. I will put the case of an invader coming into this country;-I will not name any parlicular invader, but suppose he may be successful, because the people wished him success; whereas, if the people were in a great mass adverse to his coming into the country, and determined to oppose him, it would be impossible that he could ever make any progress which could, or ought to be alarming to the government or the country. I own, Sir, that, at the present moment, I approve the ty.tem of this bill, by which you are to get a large force; but in doing that, my opinion is, that you ought not to wait for too much instruction. In such a case, a great deal of instruction is not necessary. Perhaps I may be told, these are not soldiers. Be it so; I am not attempting to give you soldiers, but armed citizens; men, whose bosoms glow with the love of their country, and their connexions; and who, in defence of these, would be as ready and willing to fight an enemy as the best disciplined solciers in the world. I cannot bring myself to agree with the sentiments of the right hon. gent on the same bench with me, relalive to the existing danger of an invasion. I mention this with considerable deference, for I consider him as half a military man.(On some motion of surprise being expressed, Mr. Fox said) I declare I do: I know the right hon. gent. has paid particular attention to the army, and read very deeply on the subject; but still I do not scruple to say, that I think there is far less probability in this invasion than he does, and thap many others do. The right hon.

VOL, IV.

gent. may say to me, what signifies your opinion, you know nothing of the matter. Yet, Sir, my opinions are not formed on my own judgment alone; I have advised and consulted with others, who I thought were capable of fully understanding the subject; and it has been on their opinion, as much, or perhaps more than my own, that I think on that subject in the manner I have already mentioned. I by no means consider an invasion as impossible-that, I am sure, would be going infinitely too far; but as to the probability, I must differ very widely. As to the observations made by the right hon. gent. (Mr. Pitt), as to the consequences of an invasion, should it prove successful, I can by no means subscribe to them. If I were to know that I was to be sent to the West-Indies, and there sold as a slave, I should not think it worth my while, when any particular person was about to purchase me, to inquire whether he was a good tempered man, or what were the leading features of his disposition. So, in the case of an invasion, it would be matter of equal indifference, who was the ruling power in France under whose direction the invasion might take place; nor do I think it is of any essential consequence whatever. I am one of those who are willing to go to the greatest lengths in the supposition, that the people of this country will defend it to the last extremity. When the noble lord talks of one acre of English ground being only left in our possession, I certainly look upon that as a figure of oratory but I will admit, that it the enemy gain Portsmouth, Plymouth, Chatham, and even London itself, that (oratory quite out of the question) the people of this country would fight to the utmost stretch to regain those places, and would never suffer an invading enemy to continue long in possession of them. The landing of the French must certainly be considered as a most mischievous event, and from which the greatest inconvenience could not fail to be felt. If they get to London, great and extensive would be the mischief indeed. But there were three things, which our dnty to our country most energetically pointed out to us: first, by our naval force to prevent this mischief, by impeding their landing; secondly, to stop their progress; and, thirdly, to prevent their getting back again. As to the present measure, I do not by any means approve of the right hon. gentleman's idea of ranging the people under different classes. Why not make it consist of one class, who would voluntarily bind themselves to go? It is a measure * M

that would be well worth the trial. I think the people ought to be called on for that purpose, and in that manner; and if that is done, I have no doubt, but the numbers would be more extensive than at present any opinion can be formed of. This bill is intended to strengthen the prerogative. In the name of Heaven, Sir, why has it not been thought of before? Ministers must have foreseen the danger of an invasion from the moment they made a rupture of the negotiations with France; yet the present measure has never been mentioned between the 8th of March and the 18th of July. This is somewhat late. His Majesty's servants must have known the danger of an invasion long ago; they could not suppose the French were arming in Holland in order to attack Jamaica, or any of our distant East or West-India possessions. They must have been sensible that the great danger from any armament of the enemy, must be by a blow aimed against this, country itself; and invasion alone was what they had to dread and to counteract. If this is the peculiar weapon by which to resist invasion, why apply all the other weapons first? In answer to all those observations of the same kind, which have fallen from the right hon. gent. it has been asked, Why not call for inquiry? The answer is extremely obvious. The time of those inquiries must depend on minute and particular circumstances. If the right hon. gent. on the same bench with me (Mr. Windham) had called for inquiry, the cry would immediately have been Inquiry!!! What, you call for inquiry?-You, who think the French are already at our doors?' And every idea of inquiry would be scouted at as unseasonable, and as interrupting the measures of his Majesty's ministers at such an awful crisis as the present. It might then be asked, what could be the motive of the right hon. gent for making such cbservations ? It was extremely obvious; it was to find fault with, and reprehend ministers for the delay which they had been guilty of; and certainly, if no other good should arise from it, it would at least have this effect, that it would put them on their guard, and make them more cautious in future of be

ing guilty of such tardiness. There is one point, Sir, which has been mentioned, which I beg leave to observe upon, and that is, the danger of arming the people in genera'. I am convinced, that the present measure cannot be attended with any danger of that kind. Those who thought they had reason to be discontented with the go

vernment of this country, for many unconstitutional acts which it had been guilty of, and who boldly spoke their sentiments on those various occasions, as they severally arose, now when the danger of a French invasion threatens them, will be united as one man in defence of their country. To shew confidence in the way, is to draw forth zeal. If you apply to the people for voluntary efforts, I have not the smallest doubt, but you will meet with the most extensive success; and you will have a large army of armed citizens, ready and willing to march whenever commanded, and to whatever place, cheerfully to meet and bravely to fight the enemy. But if the bill is to operate in a similar manner to those passed for raising the regular army and the army of reserve, and as a means of recruiting those, I very much fear it will not be efficacious.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer.-It gives me the greatest satisfaction to find there has been no opposition to the motion of my right hon. friend. Every member who has delivered his sentiments on the subject bas given the measure his unqualified approba tion and the only difference seems to be as to the voluntary efforts. My right hon. friend, in opening his proposition, has said, that the prerogative of the crown was undoubted; he was, however, desirous, that Parliament should interfere so far as to make the power of the prerogative effica cious, and not have to resort to the slow and formal proceedings of the law courts, in which alone a punishment could be awarded for not obeying the summons of the crown. The bill provided, however, that if any district should give voluntary assistance, such district should be relieved. I declare I do not like the word relieved any more than the right hon. gent. (Mr. Fox), but that may be modified in the passage of the bill through the House, Government has been arraigned, Sir, in two or three instances, for the tardiness with which they have brought forward the several measures in defence of the kingdom; and the right hon. gent. has, amongst the rest, observed, that his Majesty's mes sage was delivered on the 8th of March, and that it is now the 18th of July before the present measure is introduced; but, Sir, I can appeal to the House that ministers have not been tardy in all thet time. When that message was brought down to the House, it was pending a very delicate negotiation, during which, armaments were carrying on in the ports of France, not to any very great extent indeed, but large enoug

to call forth caution on the part of ministers. The message produced the immediate calling forth of the militia. After that, in a very short time, the supplementary militia was ordered to be embodied; and directly afterwards, the army of reserve was provided. Volunteer corps have also been known to have offered, whose numbers in Great-Britain alone, amounted to upwards of 60,000 men; and now on the heels of all, the present measure is brought forward; so that I am confident there is no real ground for accusing ministers of tardiness and unnecessary delay. There is one point, Sir, to which I must beg leave to offer a few observations, and that is what has been insinuated as to the danger of arming so great a number of the people. I know, Sir, there have been periods when there were persons in this country who would have overturned its most excellent constitution; but, thank God, those times are passed; and I do not believe, that, through the whole of the United Kingdom, there ever was a minute when the people were more universally satisfied with their government, or more unanimous in their determination to support and defend it; and it is with some degree of pride I can say, that the chief cause of this happy effect, is the so much reprobated treaty of peace. There had for some time prevailed an opinion, though an unjust one, that the war might have been sooner terminated; but though that was not the case, the obtainment of peace gave the people time to reflect; and now, though it is so soon renewed, every one is sensible of its injustice on the part of the enemy, and the whole people are ready to join heart and hand in defence of their king and country, and to die, if necessary, rather than become the slaves of an invading and insolent foe. I know, Sir, it was necessary for the security of the kingdom, to continue for some time the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and some others, which the necessity of the times had produced; but I know, that to the peace we owe the restoration of those valuable bulwarks of the constitution, and they are not amongst the least of its blessings. I have the satisfaction to reflect, that in adopting this measure, it will be found one that is singularly adapted to the genius and sentiments of the people, as it makes with them a common cause; and their zeal, enthusiasm, and love of their country, are too well known to doubt for a moment of their most active and vigorous exertions in defence of their common rights and common country. My right hon. friend proposes, with permision of the House, to bring in the bill, to

have it read a first and second time, and then to be printed, and a day fixed for taking the report into consideration.

Dr. Laurence contended, that the terms of the late peace had humbled the pride, and depressed the spirits of the country, and, had it not been for the rumour of an invasion, it would have been no easy matter to revive them. The accounts received from France, gave room to imagine that a spirit had been raised there, on which but feeble symptoms were yet to be discovered among us. Such a spirit, no doubt, did exist in this country; but it differed from that which animated the enemy theirs was a restless turbulent spirit, ours was steady, solid, and persevering; our situation, no doubt, was such, that we should be found equal to and worthy of ourselves; but nothing, however, should be omitted and left untried to rouse our energies, and rally every man round the standard of the country. The learned gent. concluded by expressing a fear that, should ever the British laurel wither and die, it should die at the top.

Sir James Pulteney had always been of opinion, that a regular force was absolutely necessary for the defence of the country, but at the same time he was equally forward to assert that, such was the spirit of the country, that no real apprehension should be entertained from an invasion. In his mind, the result of such an attempt could not but prove useful and honourable to the country. As to volunteer corps, he hoped that some provision might be introduced into the bill for subjecting them to the same conditions which were to be imposed upon those to whom the provisions of the present bill should extend.

Leave was given, nem. con. to bring in the bill.-The bill was then brought in, and read a first time.

The Secretary at War then expressed a wish, that no objection would be made to now reading the bill a second time, committing it pro forma, and receiving the report, that the bill might be taken into further consideration on Wednesday,-Ordered to be printed.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, July 19.

[MINUTES.]-Counsel was heard in the appeal, Anderson and Caddell. The farther hearing postponed till Monday.-Queen Anne's Bounty Bill was returned from the Commons by Mr. Hobhouse, without any amendment.-The bills on the table were forwarded in their respective stages.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, July 19.

[MINUTES.]-A message from the Lords stated their assent to the Portugal Wine Bonding Bill, the Irish Malt Duty Bill, the Poor-house Bill, and some private bills.. The Militia Amendment Bill was read a third time, and passed.

[COURT PRIZES BILL.] Sir WVm. Scott moved, that the Court Prizes Bill be committed on Friday next.

Mr. Burrowes wished that the learned gent. who had introduced this bill, would agree to insert a clause for establishing prize courts in India, with the right of an appeal from those courts to the Court of Admiralty here. An Admiralty jurisdiction had been. given by act of Parliament to the Supreme Court of Judicature at Calcutta, but it was the opinion of high authorities, that that jurisdiction did not extend to prizes. During the latter part of the last war, there was no prize court nearer to the Indian seas than the Cape of Good Hope, and all the prizes taken on the coast of India were obliged to be sent there or to England for adjudication. He saw no reason, however, why the of power deciding on prizes should not be given to a court which possessed almost every other judicial authority. The same powers ought to be extended to Madras and Bombay.

The Speaker thought it his duty to interrupt the hon. gent., as it was quite irregular to enter into general arguments on a clause to be moved, when the question was merely, whether the bill should be committed that day or on Friday.

Mr. Burrowes then said, he would move a clause for giving the jurisdiction he had alluded to, when the bill was, in the Committee,

Sir William Scott observed, that no bill for regulating captures had ever contained a clause for establishing prize courts, which were always formed under the authority of the crown. He deprecated any clause similar to that proposed by the hon. gent., as it would be an improper interference with the royal prerogative.

[PROPERTY BILL.]-The House resolved into a Committee on the Property Bill.-Se veral of the clauses were agreed to, without any amendment.

Mr. Alderman Coombe objected to the part which authorized the commissioners to reject the nominees which the party to be taxed might appoint, in order to examine into his affairs, without stating any reason for it. He urged some other objections on the same point.

The Attorney General replied and said, that it might happen that the commissioners might think that the person appointed was not one that ought altogether to be trusted. It would be hard for them to be put in a situation to be obliged to tell any person that they did not think him a person of integ ty. Several amendments were to be made, however, in this part, with respect to commis sioners and referees, which he hoped would meet the hon. Alderman's ideas.

The Lord Mayor said, that he agreed in the objections made by his brother Alderman; but after the elucidation of the Attorney General, he believed they might easily be done away.

Sir Francis Baring objected to any person inspecting the accounts of another in the same trade.

The Attorney General thought that, unless in case of rivalship, this would be the most effectual mode of proceeding.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that it might meet the hon. Baronet's objection, that the person whose accounts were to be inspected should have the power of object. ing to the person appointed by the commismissioners, and be allowed four peremptory challenges.

Mr. Pitt said, that they had this power already.

Mr. Smith wished that the power of challenge should be final.

Mr. Vansittart proposed, that none should be employed as a referee, to inspect the ac counts of another in the same trade, unless approved by the parties; which was agreed

to.

The Attorney General added a clause, by which the commissioners were enabled ta procure payment, in case any person should refuse to pay the sum at which he should be assessed by his own referee.

Mr. Wm. Smith said, that the profits of the land on which manufactories stood, as in fact the interest of the capital sunk in that manner was lost, so a loss was sustained, and not a profit gained, by such land.

Mr. Wm. Smith then objected to surveyors and inspectors having the power of calling upon parties to verify the amount of their income, in cases for examining which, they were in every point of view totally unfit.

The Attorney General said, that it was not possible to come at a verification of income, in doubtful cases, in any other way. The inspectors and surveyors, he contended, were the most proper persons to discharge this duty.

Mr. Wm. Smith, in reply, adverted to the power which surveyors and inspectors would

[MINUTES.]-Sir William Scott observed, that the word "benefice" had been accidentally omitted in one of the clauses of the clergy residence bill, and in another clause, the statute, it was made to amend, was described according to the terms of the ordinary edition of the statutes, but upon look ing into the Parliamentary Roll it had been found incorrect; therefore, to avoid the possibility of inconvenience, he moved for leave to bring in a bill to rectify certain mistakes in an act of this session of Parliament, for amending the laws respecting spiritual persons holding farms; and for enforcing the residence of spiritual persons; and to remove doubts as to the statute of Henry VIII. therein mentioned. The bill was afterwards brought in, read a first and second time, and committed for the next day.-The Attorney General stated, that persons in custody on civil or criminal process were often required to attend to give evidence before courts martial, commissioners of bankrupts, commissioners for auditing public accounts, and for that purpose the judges issued writs of habeas corpus; but doubts had arisen in their minds, as to their power to issue such writs. He, therefore, to obviate any difficulty, moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable judges of record to award writs of habeas Corpus, to bring persons confined in gaol before courts martial, and the commissioners therein mentioned. He afterwards brought in the bill, which was read a first, and ordered to be read a second time the next day The curate's bill was read a second time, and committed for Monday.-Sir Wm. Pulteney

he mes

sage was, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, referred to the Committee of Supply.-The Longitude Bill was read a third time.-The Prize Goods Bonding Bill was read a first time.

[DEFENCE OF THE COUNTRY]-The Secretary at War moved the order of the day for the further consideration of the report of the General Arming Bill. He observed, that it was intended to propose several amendments, afterwards to have the bill printed, and then re-committed He wished to suggest, that it would be more convenient to let the bill go into a Committee, in order to make it as perfect as possible. If there was any doubt as to the principle of the bill, it might be debated at a fature season.

Mr Sheridan said, he agreed in the propriety of what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman; it was his wish there should not be the least delay, but, on the contrary, that the measure should proceed with vigour, firmness, and energy Although the bill had been read a second time, yet he apprehended the principle was open to discussion; and in any future stage, any gent., if he objected to the principle, and thought the bill ought to top, was at liberty to state his objection If this objection was only to the clauses, and not to the principle, then it ·would be proper to let the bill go into the Committee, For the present, he would not