traordinary measures, under the present circumstances of the country, that ever was submitted to the consideration of the House; and, in his opinion, the noble lord had felt a considerable difficulty in proposing a claim upon the people of England in such times, and for such a purpose, The noble lord had rested that claim of the Prince of Orange upon the justice and generosity of the country. As for justice, wherever it could be established, it was a matter absolutely necessary to be attended to by all nations and people; and as for generosity, it was, in his opinion, a most excellent quality; but he thought it would not be amiss, on the present occasion, for Ministers to attend a little to the justice which they owed the people of this country, in preference to listening to imaginary claims arising from other quarters. He thought, that so far from the House of Orange having claims against this country, Parliament and the people of England might have claims against it, having been called in as auxiliaries only in order to assist the Dutch; for the Prince of Orange was the original cause of involving this country in the late war. In that point of view, as an advocate for the people of England, he should declare himself hostile to any claim of the nature of that which was now proposed. The Prince of Orange must have either sacrificed the interest of his country, or he could have no claim upon this, We were just now entered into a war, the real objects of which have become just as indefinite as those of the last one, and no man could tell how unable we might be to resist our enemies, or how this country was to be defended; and we were even at this time considering how this capital was to be defended against a siege; and he would appeal to any man, if, when we were involved in such a situation, such an unfounded and unjust claim It was not as this ought to be listened to! long ago since the House were engaged in discussing a claim brought from a different quarter, he meant the claim of H. R. H. the Prince of Wales. That claim was, at the time it was brought forward, thought by many to be proper and just, and such a one as was connected with the public welfare; though he must confess that he himself did not think so. It was, however, voluntarily given up by the Prince of Wales himself, and abandoned by all who supported it, on account of the advantages which would result to the country, when in a state of war, by its being quashed. He could not imagine it possible, that Parlia ment, after having abandoned the claim such claims, and he did not know what S2 Holland. He concluded by making this singular observation; that unless he could bring himself to be of opinion, that bran was the best substitute which the people of England could make use of for corn, and a workhouse the fittest place for people to reside in (which he alleged the minister had once said) he could never think of agreeing to such a donation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his astonishment at hearing the hon. baronet make such an allegation. Whether or not he had ever made such an observation as that imputed to him, he only need appeal to the members of that House. He expressed his astonishment that the claims of the Prince of Orange should be disallowed by any person whatever. Surprised he was to find that an unfortunate family, who were the victims of the gigantic military and unjust power of France, did not draw from the hon. gent. some sentiments of pity, of generosity, or even of justice, feeling as he must, and knowing as he must know, that to that illustrious House this country was indebted for a considerable share of the liberties which it now enjoys. He trusted there could not be another individual in the House who was not inclined more justly to reflect upon the lamentable vicissitudes of fortune. In spite of the machinations of the French we had preserved, unimpaired, all the blessings originating from King W. III. greatly by means of the assistance derived from our faithful ally. He should have thought that the deplorable situation of the family in question would have excited the compassion, would have awakened the just and generous feelings of every person within this House. It was, no doubt, a melancholy circumstance, that the House was under the necessity of voting the sum of 60,000l. towards the wants and necessities of the Prince of Orange, at a time like the present, when our own exigencies were so great; but the propriety and even the justice of the claim he hoped would be listened to by the House. The money which we had received, and the liberties. which we were in possession of by means of that illustrious family, were considerations which he trusted, would have their due weight. The hon. member had stated, that no argument had been brought forward in support of the claim. He thought his noble friend said sufficient, when in his appeal to the House he stated the arrangement which was to take place, provided this country surrendered the ships which were taken in Holland. After these ships had been so retained, they were to operate as a claim of 220,000l. which was to be advanced by this country. The oc cupation of Holland by the French, however, soon prevented any indemnification being made at that time, by a sense of honour and other considerations; but we should at least see, that the Prince of Orange should not be a sufferer by such a conduct. His noble friend made an appeal to the generosity of the people of this country, and stated that we had stood in the way of an arrangement, which would have opened, to the advantage of the noble personage whose case we were con sidering. Mr. W. Smith said, that there was cer tainly a very powerful, and perhaps irre sistible appeal made in this case, and he should not be the first to refuse any grant claimed upon the ground of the compassion or the gratitude of this country to that il lustrious family. Upon these grounds he admitted their claims in the fullest extent, but when gentlemen spoke of justice, they admitted a sort of confusion, or at least mixture of ideas. His plain and simple objection was of a different nature. The Parliament was now sitting later than usual, on the 26th of July, and this measure was deferred till a period when a very thin attendance must necessarily be expected. The sum of 60,000l. and 16,000l. a year was not a trifle in itself, and was of stil greater importance as a precedent. Yet, though the French should be even at our doors, he would not object, were it absolutely a claim of generosity and justice. But he would ask, why pass a vote in the end of July, which would answer the same purpose in November next? It did not appear that there was any regular or pres sing necessity for the grant now, and there could be no doubt of the House being fully as responsible and well able to pay the money in November, after having had sufficient time to examine into all the circumstances. Lord Hawkesbury said, he could see no objection to such a measure as this on account of a thin attendance, when there was business of such extreme importance before Parliament, as the Defence and the Property Bill. The reason why it was not brought forward before, was only because his Majesty's ministers were hitherto so very much occupied with other business. With regard to the postponement, he said, he had reason to think that the vote now proposed would be more acceptable to that illustrious family at present, than a much larger sum if delayed for another year. Mr. Smith replied, that he did not propose it to be delayed for another year, but till November next, which would be no more than the space of three months.-The resolution for the grant of 60,0001. was agreed to, nem. con. Lord Hawkesbury then said, that he was under a misapprehension when he stated, that the annuity must require a separate Committee; and finding that it might be passed with equal regularity now, he would lose no time, but move, that there be granted to his Majesty, out of the consolidated fund, the annual sum of 16,0001. as an indemnity to the illustrious house of Orange. Mr. Wm. Smith proposed to get rid of this motion, by moving, that the Chairman do leave the chair; which was immediately negatived, and the resolution carried.-On the motion for the sum of 2,000,000l. to be granted as a vote of credit, Mr. Jobastone said, the minister on a former day, according to a report which he then held in his hand, had given a pledge that 26 millions would be sufficient for the service of the ensuing year. To shew that this pledge could not be redeemed, he stated, that in the year 1800, the expense was 32,000,000 1. and in the year ensuing 38,000,000 1. for Great-Britain only, which, with the 5,000,0001. from Ireland, amounted to the sum of 43,000,000 1. and he could not see how it was possible that we could go on at a cheaper rate now, when we were to have an infinitely greater establishment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that the newspaper report alluded to, must have been grossly inaccurate, if it stated him to say, that the expenses of the year would be no more than 26,000,000 1.; for though he might reasonably be supposed to know, at the time, what were the intentions of government in regard to the augmentation of our force, he could not have anticipated what might have been the decision of Parliament. What he really stated the expenses of the year he estimated at, was about 30,000,0001. or 26,000,000 1. exclusive of Ireland. This arose from the estimate of 40,000,000 1. from the previous produce of the consolidated fund, 10,000,000 1. from the customs, and 10,000,000l. more, which he proposed to raise in this country as a war tax. The resolutions were agreed to, the report ordered to be received the next day, and the Committee of Supply ordered to sit again on Wednesday. WAYS AND MEANS.]-The Chancellor of the Exchequer prefaced the resolutions he had to propose, by observing that at an early period of the year, it was proposed to raise 3,000,0001. for the payment of a like sum advanced by the Bank, of which, 1,500,0001. had been actually paid; but, in consequence of the renewal of the war, an application was made to induce them to take the remainder in Exchequer bills, which was agreed to for the public convenience. He then proceeded to make his several statements to the Committee. Estimate of the surplus of the consolidated fund to 5th January, 1804: Total sum proposed to be voted to the 5th Received on Jan. 5, 1803, after complet- 309,329 Received on April 5, 1803.... 1,037,332 on July 5, 1803 (nearly) £6,500,000 1,186,000 2,622,661 Remains to make good 3,877,330 The following resolutions were moved and agreed to: 1. That towards raising the sum of two millions, voted in the Committee of Supply, the sum of 1,500,000 1. be raised out of the consolidated fund, and be supplied by Exchequer bills.-2. That towards payment of money advanced by the Bank, the sum of two millions be also raised by loans of Exchequer bills, to be made good next year.-3. That it appears that the sum of 1,500,000 1. stands as the surplus of the consolidated fund."-The House resumed, and the report was ordered to be received the next day. HOUSE OF LORDS. Tuesday, July 26. ing in volunteer corps were liable to be drafted into the army of reserve, he proposed a clause to remove these apprehensions. Agreed to.-The bill was then passed, and sent to the Commons.-In a few minutes after, Mr. Alexander brought up the bill, stating that the Commons had agreed to their Lordships' amendments. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Tuesday, July 26. [MINUTES.]-The Irish Justices' Bill, the Irish Militia Families' Bill, the Prize Goods' Bill and Court Martial Witnesses' Bill, were read a third time and passed.-The Scotch Army of Reserve Amendment Bill was read a second time. [ALIENS.]-The Attorney General rose to submit to the House the propriety of making some alterations in the laws respecting aliens. It appeared necessary that persons offending under the alien act should be liable to be punished in a more summary manner than was at present provided for. Under the act they could be punished by indictment only for disobeying the King's proclamation, and other offences. This mode of proceeding was, however, frequently very inconvenient; and it would be proposed to alter it. Another change which he intended to suggest related to the power of sending aliens out of the country; that power was at present possessed by the magistrates; but in his opinion it ought to be lodged in the hands of the crown only. Several other regulations, which were not necessary in the time of peace when the last act was passed, would be introduced into the bill he was to bring in. Regula tions would also be made respecting the ports at which aliens should be permitted to land. It was very desirable that no necessity should arise for suspending the habeas corpus act; and in order that the people of this country might not be subjected to that inconveni ence, it was proper to be more vigilant with respect to aliens. Under the present circumstances of the country, it was indis [MINUTES.]-The London Coal Market Bill was read a third time, and passed.-pensably requisite that foreigners should be Dr. Fisher, the new Bishop of Exeter, took the oaths and his seat. GENERAL DEFENCE.]-The general Defence Bill was reported, and the amendments agreed to. Lord Hobart moved, that the bill should be read a third time, which was done. He then proposed several new amendments, which were agreed to; and, as some apprehensions were entertained, that persons serv placed under restrictions, which he should be very sorry to see extended to the people of this country. He therefore moved, that leave be given to bring in a bill to repeal the alien act, and to substitute other regu lations in lieu thereof.-Leave was given to bring in the bill. [SUGARS,]-Mr. Chapman said, he should not propose the motion he intended to submit, at so late a period of the session, if the duties now payable upon West-India produce, were not so exorbitant as must prove ruinous to individuals, and ultimately injurious to the revenue. He did not doubt the minister's disposition to levy taxes equally, but when he said, that the colonial articles could not only bear the new tax act, but could also do it if carried to a greater extent, he did not hesitate to say that his information was unfounded, and grossly and glaringly false. He was ready to prove his assertion, and make it evident when an opportunity should be given him, that the colonial produce was over-taxed; that all the profit went into the hands of the Exchequer; that the different taxes left very little to the planter for his capital, and nothing for his rent; and that the planter paid full 20s. in the pound on his rent, and at least 158. in the pound out of his capital. Upon this system, therefore, the moderation of Buonaparté himself could not leave the colonists less than the moderation of the present minister. This was not to be answered by cases of individual opulence, any more than in other concerns; and were he asked, why, if it was a losing trade, they did not withdraw their capital, his answer would be, because the thing was impossible, without renouncing twothirds of their property, and leaving the remainder in a state of the utmost insecurity. He wished that the tax, particularly on sugar, should be levied ad valorem ; for as it stood at present, the commonest brown or black sugars paid as high a tax as the finest sort, by which the poor man, who bought his common sugar by the pound or half-pound, paid a tax of a penny, whereas the gentleman, who bought his sugar by the loaf, paid no more than a halfpenny. He then moved that the House do, on Thursday next, resolve itself into a Committee, to consider of the duties upon sugar. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, if he understood the hon. gent. right, he meant to represent the trading interest of this country to be at variance with that of the colonies; whereas a reference to the records of Parliament would shew that of the West-India colonies to be a very favoured trade. In proof of this he quoted the bonding and warehousing acts, passed principally for the accommodation of the West-India merchants. Neither did the indulgence stop there; for in the last session a bounty was granted on the importation of refined sugars, and afterwards on the exportation of sugars in a raw and unma nufactured state. If the case was really as stated, it would be impossible to account for the rise of 158. in the price of sugar under all this mighty pressure, for the price was lately no more than 33s. whereas he understood that that very day it was as high as 48s. In the course of the last war sugar had risen sometimes so high as 8os. at the time that the necessaries of life were at a most exorbitant and distressing price, and yet neither the export trade nor the home consumption of sugar had in any degree diminished. With regard to the ad valorem duty, he assured the House, that several of the most intelligent. people had been consulted on it, and that, on the most mature deliberation, it was found to be impracticable. The poor man, no doubt, paid as high a duty as he who bought sugar of the first quality, but then he did not pay so high a price for it. This buying in small quantities always subjected a person of limited means to pay more than he who purchased considerably, on account of the number of hands receiving profit in a retail way before it came to the consumer, but this applied to every other article as well as that of sugar, except in articles of the first necessity, which the poor could buy as cheap as the rich at market. As to the planters not being allowed sufficiently for their capitals, he could not well reconcile that with so much British capital laid out in plantations in Martinique and other islands, and the numerous applications for other grants of lands in the island of Trinidada. He concluded with moving, that the other orders of the day be now read. Sir IV. Pulteney saw no difficulty in levying an ad valorem duty on sugar. When the right hon. gent. (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) collected his information from persons of opposite interests in trade, he might expect to hear very contradictory representations. Mr. Manning declared, that if the hon. baronet's observations referred to him, they were unfounded. He never had used any influence with the right hon. gent. in any conversations with him. He was convinced that it was impossible to adopt an ad valorem duty, without occasioning great vexations to trade. The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought it due to his hon. friend (Mr. Manning) to state, that though he was certainly apprised of his opinion with respect to the tax under consideration, yet he had never pressed that opinion with violence or per |