not enabling it to stand firm and erect; but at best of no use at all, and probably, itself leaning on the edifice supporting it. But passing over that point, I might possibly be inclined to have conceded the intention in consideration of the merit of the execution, to almost any one in the world, but to this captious scribbler.-It is a pleasing symptom of good nature to be inclined to attribute every action to a good motive if possible; but this, my friend, is only inclined to do so on one side, and to do it on that side in order to cast a greater slur and reproach on the other. He commends the merchants in order to revile the nobility. If therefore, I am now about to pull a stone or two out of this prodigious pyramid of glory and honour, which these wealthy dealers in contracts and stocks are raising to themselves, they must attribute it entirely to the indiscreet zeal of this eulogist, and not at all to any malevolence of mine, for I was well enough inclined, till thus provoked, to leave them in quiet possession of the whole, whatever it might be. I will therefore say, that if it be admitted, that the upholding the stocks is meritorious, those persons who disinterestedly make sacrifices for that purpose are deserving the gratitude of the country. But, if it should happen that none of these merchants and bankers are in the case of disinterested persons, if it should appear that the supporting of the credit of the stocks, is necessary to support their own credit, and their own credit absolutely necessary to the preservation of that wealth, which supplies them with all the pleasures and luxuries of life, and enables some of them to eclipse, in show, all the great and noble families in the country; if this should appear to be the case, (and if I am not very much deceived, every one will at once perceive that it is so), then i say, all these public-spirited dealers in the 3 per cents. are entitled to no more praise at all, than that to which every man is entitled, who is willing to sacrifice a little in order to preserve a great deal; who is inclined to bear a little pain in order to rid himself of a serious suffering; in short, to the praise of prudence and foresight. And I am the rather of this opinion, as I do not observe that these gentlemen have ever manifested this wonderful degree of public spirit in any other manner or on any o her occasion. I do not blame them for that, nor do I wonder at it. I only mean to contend, that for this they have no right to assume all that praise which they seem to arrogate to themselves.--2dly, I deny that the nobility and gentry who have not set

down their names to this subscription deserve blame. Seeing the objects of the subscription itself to be such as I have before hinted, and seeing too, that these persons are but very little interested in promoting these objects, (very little indeed, when compared with the mercantile gentlemen), it is not much to be wondered at, that they should have held back. And the less will this be matter of wonder, I conceive, when it is considered, that by so doing, they at least forbear to bring into public light and notoriety, the mortifying fact of the inferiority, in point of opulence, of the landed gentry to the merchants. People may talk as much, and as long as they like, of laying aside all considerations of private feelings; it is not in human nature to do so; and when their private feelings are honourable, when they arise from good motives, and tend to a good end, it would be unfortunate if it were. Gentlemen of eminent families may well and properly be grieved, if they were to see published in every ale-house of the land, their inability to equal, in pecuniary sacrifices, those who may be of very inferior origin; and the more so, as on reading such accounts all persons are naturally inclined to measure the will by the deed, and will be very apt to exclaim, "Here are the merchants coming down with their thousands, but "the sordid nobility and gentry scarce

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ly subscribe as many units."- Will not this be the general observation? And is it not proved by this very writer, who on no better ground than this, has had the insolence to write the paragraph above quoted?Having said thus much, in order to prove, that neither the one party is deserving of all the commendation they have received for what they have done, nor the other all the blame, which has been imputed to them, for what they have not done, I should wish to ask, upon what grounds it is that the nobility are accused of degene racy, of want of spirit and feeling for the country? They have not subscribed at Lloyd's. Have they done nothing else, have they not come forward in the militia, or in corps of yeomanry and volunteers? I really do not know the real answer to these queries; but this I know, that if without one single exception, they were to be answered in the negative, I should still hold them guiltless of the charge. Let us consider what means they have had offered to them of coming forward, and under whom. Under whom! under the auspices of the right họn, H. Addington, son of - Addington, M. D., raised by the friendship of Mr. Pitt to be

were sent about their business. Is this conduct likely to promote spirit, or to encou rage gentlemen to exert themselves? Now, at last, volunteer corps are to be raised. This measure comes most tardily, if it was meant that gentlemen should take a lead in them, and bring them forward to any good purpose. is it, however, at all likely, when all the circumstances of their promotion is considered, and when experience has so lately convinced all who have had any thing to do with them, of the trouble they occasioned, and of their total insufficiency? You have already handled this matter so well, that I shall not say another word on that subject, only adding, that I believe every man who has had any thing to do with volunteer corps, and every other man who will but give himself the trouble to think, will perfectly agree with you in every word you have said about them. One measure, indeed, was adopted, which promised to be most useful, which would have given every gentleman of property and spirit an opportunity of exerting himself in the most useful manner, and in his proper sphere. But, alas! that measure was scarcely adopted before it was again laid aside! Ministers, as if frightened at the extent of the plan, which was throughout, in the idea, most excellent (a little faulty, perhaps, in the execution, and that is all) had no sooner began to act upon it, than they immediately exerted every nerve to prevent its efficacy, and to spoil its operations. The General Arming Bill is the measure I allude to Of a most excellent tendency was it, but now, by their alterations and corrections, assisted by private instructions to Lord Lieutenants and others, it has at length dwindled to the raising a mass of volunteer corps: a mass of incomplete, ill-organized, ill-disciplined men, having none of the qualities of a soldier, not even that of having a musquet a-piece, [Vide Lord Hobart's Letter, in which 25 musquets are said to be sufficient for 100 men] and incapable of doing any shing, but create disorder, confusion, and delay. How great, on the contrary, might have been the benefits derived from the prosecution of the original scheme! We should then have seen every gentleman of property and influence exerting himself wherever that property and influence were, in forming not only the bodies of men to the use of arms, but forming their minds too; infusing into them all that spirit, energy, and zeal, which the present contest, well brought forward, is so fit and so capable to bring for h, and without which it is, I fear, little likely to have any, but a most fatal termination. We might then

speaker, and chosen to be prime minister of the country, no one knows why or wherefore; and supported in that situation no one knows how; but confessedly, neither by his abilities, nor his merit, nor the wisdom of the measures of his administration. Is it matter of surprise, that men proud of their birth, of their hereditary honours, of their ancient families, should be backward to come forward under these auspices? Or are his colleagues, and his associates, and his friends, likely to mend the matter? There is, my Lord Hawkesbury, in the first place, and then there are brother Bragge, secretary at war, brother Hiley, first paymaster of the army, and friend Tierney treasurer of the navy. (And I have by the way but one just remark, that after certain adventures of some of the last named right hon. gentleman's family in Jama ca, it seems rather extraordinary that the treasurership of the navy should be just the situation pitched upon for him.) I repeat the question: is it matter of wonder, if Peers and men of noble birth, should not choose to come forward under the auspices of such men as these? But in point of fact, I believe, these considerations of family pride, which in my opinion are very whok some and very seasonable too, were a good deal got rid of, and all the men in the country were willing, and ready, and zealous, to come forward, if but the means and opportunity had been given to them. But even this was denied. The militia was called out, it will be said. It was so, immediately after the message of the 18th of March, when there existed a very great spirit in the country, and yet few gentlemen joined it. Very likely, that is no matter of surprise to me. I should rather wonder if any did. Considering the manner in which the militia was treated last war, and the probability (not to say the avowed inten tion) of repeating that treatment now, that would be no matter of surprize to me. The militia was called out, and nothing else was done. Many gentlemen made offers of service, and of raising corps. Some few were 2cepted, others refused; to others no answer at all was given, and all this apparently from whim, caprice, or partiality, for it has more than once happened that offers perfectly similar and cotemporary has met with all these different receptions. In one case an offer was made and accepted: many gentlemen were coming forward in consequence of the popularity of a noble earl who had made that offer, and had proposed themselves to officer the corps which was to be raised; but lo! all at once some unfore seen impedim. nt arose, and all these perso

have had a military spirit rising in every part of the country, and all the best, and strongest, and boldest, and ablest, glowing with voluntary zeal and eagerness to fight her battles. We might have had gentle. men of family and fortune, coming forward, not as colonels and captains of volunteer corps, commanding troops who know not how to obey, and whom they know not how to direct; but using all their influence to infuse that spirit, and to promote that ardour and feeling of patriotism, which (as I observed in a former letter) is of absolute necessity to make a people a military people. Then, indeed, we should have had a fair prospect of safety, however great the power and formidable the force of our enemy. We should have had that in the country which neither the swords nor the cannon of the enemy would impair or destroy. We should have had a mind diffused throughout the people incapable of being subdued, which, indeed, can be of little use without the co operation of fleets and armies; but which would have produced them, and without which fleets, however well appointed, and armies, however numerous, can be of no avail. In lieu of this, ministers prefer volunteer corps-theirs is the choice, theirs be the merit or the bame. I shou'd now conclude, at least for the present, if I did not think it necessary to observe, that there is a laborious duty, neither rare, nor easy, nor unimportant, which falls altogether upon the noblemen, country gentlemen, and clergy, which they are most assiduous in the discharge of, and for which they never receive any compensation or even any thanks; I mean all the business performed by them as Magistrates and as Deputy Lieutenants. All the labour of these situations is peculiarly theirs, and at this time is particularly urgent and multiplied, and that alone should entitle them, at least, to the privilege of not being reviled for total inactivity at this urgent crisis.I am, yours, &c.

PUBLIC PAPER.

ANNIBAL.

time all the measures authorised by the Law of Nations, and the respective treaties between his Majesty and the different Neutral Powers will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS.

The following is a copy of the Addres», which was lately propose to be den ered to his Majesty, on the part of the Irish Carholic Noblemen and Gentlemen The Ministers insisted upon certain alterat ons bung made in it, previously to their laying it before the King. These altevations are inserted here, between brackets, which brack ets embrace the words proposet to be put in by the Ministers, in lieu of those words of the address which are distinguished by ITALICK CHARACTERS.

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. MOT GR.CIOUS SOVEREIGN,We the undersigned, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, humbly presume to approach your Majesty on the renovation of hostilities with a most dangerous enemy, in full confidence that a sincere render of our utmost exertions in the common cause of the British Empite, will be graciously received by the common Father of his people We give place, Sire, to none of your Majesty's subjects in fidelity and loyalty to our Sovereign. Experience has proved our unvarying attachment to the ilustrious House of Brunswick, and we entreat leave to assure your Majesty that our gratitude has, throughout a reign of general mildness and benevolence, constantly kept pace with the favours, indulgencies, and concessions granted to your Roman Catholic subjects. But, may it please your Majesty, we cannot dissemble how much our zeal is counter acted [we teel it incumbent upon us to repre-ent to your Majesty, that our zeal is materially counteracted], and, as we humbly conceive, the good of your Majesty's services is impeded, in consequence of the laws and provisions by which persons receiving under your Majesty's grant, any pay, salary, tee, or wages in your Majesty's service (except under certain limitations within the jurisdiction of the late Parliament of Ireland) are rendered hable to forfeitures, disabilities, and incapacities, unless they conform to certain conditions utterly repugnant to the procession of religion made by us in the oath lately prescribed by the legislature as the test of our allegiance to your Majesty.- -Without presuming to suggest limits, modes or times to your Majesty's Royal will and pleasure, we humbly conceive the present awful crisis of public affairs, imperiously calls or the assistance of every arm that can be raised in defence of our King and Country, and we confidently look to the moment as not far distant [we lock to the moment in which] in which our utmost zeal and exertions for your Majesty's person and government, and tor the weltare of our country, may be brought into full action by our admission to an equal participation of all the rights and benefits of the constitutionSo may your Majesty long enjoy and transmit to your latest posterity, a crown secured in the affections, and supported by the cordial an unchecked energies of an united, happy, and grate ul people *.

* The address, thus amended by the Ministers, the Catholic Noblemen retused to present.

Proclamation, respecting Aliens, da ed 31st day of August, 1803.

GEORGE R Whereas under the present circumstances much danger may arise to the public tranquillity from Alien enemies resorting to, and residing in Great Britain: And whereas by an Act passed in the forty-third year of our reign, intituled "An Act to repeal an Act passed in the "last session of Parliament for establishing regu"lations respecting Aliens arriving in this King"dom, or resident therein; and for establishing, "until three months after the ratification of a "Definitive Treaty of Peace, regulations respect

ing Aliens, arriving in this Kingdom, or resi"dent therein, in certain cases," due provision has been made for inflicting penalties on all such Aliens as shall disobey any Proclamation issued by us, directing that such Aliens shall depart the United Kingdom: now we, being desirous of carrying into execution the intent and meaning of the said Act, and thereby providing for the general s-fety of the Realm, do, by this ou Proclamation, by and with the advice of our Trivy Council, order and direct, that all Aliens being subjects of the French Republic, or of any place belonging to, or under the dominion of the government of the Fench Republic, or of any country or territory at war with us, who shall have arrived in Great Britain since the first day of October, one tha and eight hundred and one, and on or before this day he thirty-first of August (other than such Aliens as art herein atter excepted), shall de* part Great Britain in manser hereinafter mentiones; that is to say,- All such Aliens residing within the City and Liberties of Westminster, on elsewhere within the Bills of Mortality, or within the Parishes of Saint Mary le-Bone, Paddington, Pancras, or Saint Luke at Chelsea, on or betere the nfteenth day of Sep ember, one thousand eight hundred and three.And all such Aliens residing in other parts of Great Britain (except as herein ater excepred shall depart Great Britain on or before the twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three.--And we do further declare and make known, that every such Alien who shall knowingly and wiltully refuse or reglect to pay due obedience to this our Royal Proclamation, and shall be found in Great Britain contrary to such Proclamation, will be liable to be arrested and committed to the common g3ol of the county or place where he or she shall be so arrested, there to remain without bail or mainprize until he or she shall be taken in charge, for the purpose of being sent out of Great Britain; and it any such Alien sent out of Great Britain in pursuance of this our Proclamation shall, without licence for that purpose by one of our Principal Secretaries of State, return into any part of the United Kingdom, such Alien being duly convicted thereof, will be liable to be transported for life according to the provisions of the said Act.

And in order the better to enable such Aliens to comply with this our Proclamation and the said Act, we have caused to be provided ships and Vessels at Gravesend, for conveying such Aliens to some port or ports on the Continent of Europe: And all such Aliens as are desirous to avail themselves of this accommodation are directed to repair to Gravesend on or before the fourteenth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three: And all such Aliens repairing to Gravesend, and having obtained their passpo to conformably to the said Act, by applying at the Alien

Office in Crown-court, Westminster, shall be permitted to embark, and shall be conveyed on board the said ships to be furnished by us, tree of expense, to some port or ports on the Continent of Europe.- -And all such Aliens as shall decline availing themselves of this accommodation for carrying them out of Great Britain, free of expense, are hereby required nevertheless to repair to the port of London, and to none other port, and there to embark, having their passports conformably to the said Act, to be obtained on application to the Alien Office, as aforesaid, in order to depart on or before the said fifteenth or twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and three, respectively, as the case may require, under the penalties he sinbe ore mentioned.-Provided that nothing herein contained shall be construed to res peal any part of our Proclamation of the twelfth of this instant August, requiring the Aliens there in mentioned to reside within the limits therein described, except in cases where any Aliens as aforesaid, shall be bond file proceeding on their journey to the port of London and of Gravesend, in order to embark and depart thereat from Great Britain. Provided always, that this our Procamation shall not extend to any Foreign An.bassador, or other public Minister duly authorised, or the servants actually attending upon such Ambassador or public Minister, or any domestic servant of any of our natural born ́sunj cts, or of any subject who has been made denizen, or naturalized, such servant being actually and bond file em. ployed in the service of their respective masters; nor to any such Alien as shall, by virtue of a li cence under the hand and seal of one of our principal Secretaries of State, or such per on or persons as shall be appointed for that purpose, be authorised to dwell and reside in some part of G eat Britain. We do hereby charge and command that all Aliens to whom this relates, do pay due obe lience to the same, and that all Justices of the Peace, Mayors, and other Magistrates, and all Constables and other Peace Officers, do respectively use their utmost diligence to enforce the same."

Cop of a Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Middles x to the Commanders of the Volunteer Corps. London, August 26.

E18,-As I have found, that many volunteer corps, formed in this County, have proceeded upon the idea, that their numbers were not limited by the King's approv·lof their proposals, I take the liberty of troubling you with this letter, to request that you will furnish me, with as little delay as possible, with an accurate return of the establishment of the corps under your command distinguishing the field and staff-officers, it any, and specifying the number of troops or companies, with the established proportion of officers, non-commissioned officers, drummers, and privates in cach, together with the num ber of supernumeraries at present enrolled in, or attached to your corps, in a separate column.-I think it necessary to appri e you, that without the King's approbation p cviously obtained, the corps must not be extended beyond the number for which the King's permission has been already granted; at the same time I have reason to hope that no objection will be made to the addition of supernumeraries (when applied for) to established corps, provided it is perfectly understood, that they will be entitled to no exemptions, and will put government to no expense of any kind.

Lam, &c.

SCOTT TICHFIELD.