such a vote to men who had never done any thing at all. He only cited the conduct of the army, during the mutiny, in order to do away the effect of your insinuation against their fidelity; but, to take you upon your own ground, if the army deserve no thanks "for having done their duty, during the "troubles in the fleet," what thanks do you deserve for having, on that occasion, done your duty? If Colonel Craufurd's praise of the army was so very poor, that he had better have held his tongue, why do you call on us to admire your conduct, which, at best, does not merit praise nearly so great as that which was due to any one officer in the army? If the ministers did tremble, if those poor timid men Messrs. Pitt, Dundas, and Windham, really did stand in need of your aid to "prop them up ;" if the members of parliament really did skulk for fear; if it be true, that "the whole country was appall"ed," you must certainly allow the army, including the marines, to come in with you for some little share of the honour of having preserved the monarchy; and, therefore, it is rather selfish to exclude them from all pretension to thanks, while you desire us to regard your merits, on that account, not only as an ample atonement for all the mischiefs of a pretty long and a most factious political life, but also as a ground whereon to claim the future confidence of the parliament and the country.

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Returning now to the subject of your political constancy, that is to say, your uniform and unshaken attachment to the cause and the persons that you pledge yourself to, or are connected with, I must advert to the occasion of your giving the challenge, of which 1 have already spoken.--In reply to Mr. Windham, during the debate on the address, in answer to the King's Message relative to the rebellion in Dublin, you had given an unbounded scope to your true English feeling. You" could not suppress "the indignation, which you felt at the at"tempt made by the right honourable gen"tleman to clog the operations of govern "ment." In consequence of this sally of patriotism and loyalty, you received the righteously-deserved commendations Messrs. Archdall and Addington. “I wish," said the former, "that gentlemen, who are so forward in bringing objections against "the conduct of ministers, would imitate "the conduct of the honourable gentle"man" [Mr. Sheridan,] who, on every great and trying occasion has taken the "lead in loyalty and patriotism. That

* On the 28th July, 1803.

of

Sheridan, who has, on every trying oc“casion, taken the lead in devotion to the "honour and interests of his country. I

beg the House to consider what the ho"nourable gentleman's conduct has been, on several trying and interesting occasions. "When the mutiny existed at the Nore, "the honourable gentleman nobly and

manfully displayed his patriotic feelings. Now, when the country is threatened "with invasion his anxiety is not about,

who is the minister;' but about, where "is the enemy. These are memorable "words. This is the language of a true pa "triot. I have not the bonour and the bap"piness of kuowing the honourable gentle"man much; but I will venture to assert, "that he will be bigbly admired by pos terity when his political conduct shall be faithfully detailed in the page of history; "and, I wish some persons, who oppose "him, entertained the same purity of pub"lic principle."--After the speech of Mr. Addington, Mr. Windham rose, and said:" This has been literally a day "of eulogies. It puts one in mind of the " anniversaries of the establishment of great "public institutions, when every exercise "is devoted to the celebration of the vir "tues of the founder. I hope the honour"able gentleman" [Mr. Sheridan]" will "not be backward in repaying, with his "support, those who have been so profuse "in their expressions of admiration of him." --In the debate of the 20th of July, Mr. Windham had said, (by way of observation on your statement, that you had been misunderstood by Mr Pitt:)" it is not very "wonderful, that my right honourable "friend should misunderstand the honour

"

a retaliation upon your adversary. Stimulated by this double motive, and backed by the minister as well as by the mob, in "meek and modest sort you thus began:" I am deeply penetrated with gratitude "for the very handsome manner, in which "the right hon. gentleman" [Mr. H. Addington) " and a very old and inti"mate friend of mine" [Mr. Archdall] " have been pleased to speak of my public " conduct. 1 am, however, at present, "principally induced to rise, to say a few "words, in consequence of an allusion from

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a right honourable gentleman" [Mr. Windham,]" who has accused me of not knowing to which side of the House to attach myself; but, I will defy the right honour"able gentleman to point out a single pledge "that I have ever forfeited; a single political "sentiment that I ever renounced; a single political attachment that I have ever de"serted. On the subject of changing sides the right honourable gentleman has much greater claims to knowledge than I have. "I can remember, that he acted, for a con "siderable time, with these persons, to "whom I myself have the honour to be แ attached. He afterwards thought proper to remove to the other side, where he staid as long as be could, and now he has made diagonal cut to the station, whence, I hope he will not speedily be removed. "Such has been the right honourable gen"tleman's experience of changing sides."Windham's changing sides has certainly nothing to do with your conduct in that respect, except as far as it may relate to some question between you and him. But, it may, nevertheless, be worth while to point out the weakness of this attempt at retaliation. Mr. Windham, did, it seems, think proper to leave you and go to the other side, and was it not time to think proper to leave you, when you were become the eulogist of the rebels and regicides of France? Was it not time to leave you, when you were ready to swear, nay, when you actually did swear, that your political opinions were the same as those of Arthur O'Connor? Grant that O Connor's treasons were not known to you: I do unequivocally grant it; but he stood, at that moment, in a court of justice, accused of treason, and beset with circumstances so strong against him as to leave little room for doubt of his guilt; and, it presently after appeared, that he had actually committed treason in Ireland, and was, at the moment when you were living in the utmost intimacy with him, actually engaged in a project for introducing the enemy into that part of his Majesty's dominions. When

you reflect on this, Sir, do you think that Mr. Windham need blush at being reminded of having quitted the bench on which you sat? But, he staid on the other side as long as be could," and then took a diagonal cut. Yes, as in the former instance; as long as he could, as long as honour would suffer him. He quitted you when you de fended the rebels of France, and he quitted the ministers when they made a peace with those rebels, a peace which has produced all, and more than all, the mischiefs which he apprehended from it.--This is, a sort of changing sides, Sir, which is not only no mark of versatility, but which is, on the contrary, absolutely necessary to the preservation of consistency and integrity: it is a change of place, arising from a resolution not to yield to a change of principle. Very different indeed are the changes, which have, at all times, been apparent in your political conduct and views. Of all the persons, who ever have, in this country, made a figure in public life, it may be asserted, without fear of contradiction, that no one has, at any time, been less famed for political constancy than yourself. The exactly contrary quality is, indeed, your well-kno vn characteristic; and, the pretensions, which you have, on this score, lately set up, together with your practice upon the same occasion, really put one in mind of the prayer, in which the wolf solicits a short suspension of his abstemious and merciful propensity. You are renowned for sudden changes in your sentiments, and for absconding from your party. The gratification of your own personal vanity is known to be so far preferable to every thing else, that the very warmest, that is to say, the most credulous and foolish of your friends have seldom confided in you. You are continually upon the look out for occasions for acquiring distinct merit, and individual popularity. It has been well ard truly said of you, that you hunt not in pack; but, while others are steadily engaged in the chase, you are beating about for yourself; always taking care, however, if the day prove fortunate, to come in amongst the first and most noisy at the death. Numereus are the facts, which might be, and which, hereafter, shall be, cited in proof of this your selfish and trimming system of po litics; but, at present, I shall contine myself to the events of the very last session of parliament." I defy the right honourable

gentleman to point out a single pledge "that I have ever forfeited; a single politi"cal sentiment that I bave ever renounced; a "single political attachment that I have ever "deserted."--As to pledges, Sir, seeing

that I have resolved to confine myself to the events of last session, 1 will only ask you, whether you did, or did not, forfeit that which you gave with respect to the Nabob of the Carnatic? The unjust treatment, or pretended unjust treatment, of this prince became a topic of some interest so early as the month of January, 1802; and, the moment the public espoused his cause, you, according to your usual custom, stepped forth, armed cap-à-pied, as his champion, Yet, as pushing matters to extremity might have thrown you back with the ministers, with whom you were then beginning to coquet, you took care not to come to a specific motion for an inquiry, but just kept possession of the ground by the means of frequent notices, and postponements as frequent; thus contriving to obtain, by the very same act, the favour both of the ministers and the multitude. Twenty times did the purveyors of the newspapers croud down to Westminster, in full confidence of coming home loaded with your philanthropic speech, and twenty times did they return unladen to their expecting employers. This, which one can regard as nothing better than a humbug, was kept up from the beginning of April to the 22d of June, 1802; on which latter day, Mr. Nicholls, seeing the session just about to close, without any step having been taken on a subject which he thought, and which you had represented, as of the first importance, began a speech prefatory to a motion similar to that, which you had promised to make, but which you had not made; but, in order to prevent his making this motion, you, Sir, interrupted his speech by a motion for counting the House; and, there being only thirty-three members present, an adjournment, of course, took place. On the next day, the 23d of June, 1802, you, in resuming the subject, began by observing, that you were happy in perceiving Mr. Nicholls in "one of his places," for, that he shifted his seat so frequently "that there was no saying to which side of the House he belonged;" and that, for your own part, you were "not remark"able for sitting one day upon one side of "the House, and the next changing your "place to the other, naking, as it were, "experiments on the best seats."- -You boasted rather too soon, Sir. Little did you imagine, that the same charge, and almost in the same form of words, would be preferred against yourself ere thirteen months should pass over your head!--But, to come to the! Badges "It is," said you, unnecessary for me to enter into a train of argument to prove the right of the In

"dian Princes to their own dominions. "Since the settlement made in the year, 1763, we have ourselves uniformly recognized the title of the rights of the "Nabob of Arcot. Yet, in defiance of this " right, the lineal heir of that dominion is "now deposed by us, on account of the alledged crimes of his grandfather and his father, on the ground of an unlawful "correspondence with the late Sultan of the "Mysore. But, I will ask, who were the "informers on this charge? The govern "ment of India: who were the accusers? "The government of India: who were the "witnesses? The government of India: "who were the judges? The government "of India: who were the receivers of the "fines and forfeitures? The government "of India. Upon these circumstances; on "the consideration, that the same persons, "who were informers, accusers, witnesses, "and judges, were also to enjoy the mulcts " and beneficial interest arising from the "conviction, there is reason to entertain

suspicion of the justice and equity of the proceeding. I shall be satisfied, if minis "ters will take up the matter in such a way as to bring it to a full and fair investiga "tion; but, if they do not, I PLEDGE "myself to take it up in such a way, that, "if the government of India has been guil"ty of the inordinate acts, which are now

charged upon them, at least the British "nation shall be rescued from the suspicion of "giving countenance to acts so flagrant and

so atrocious; and the government itself "will be shown the evil policy of seeking "its own aggrandizement by trampling "those principles of justice and bonour, which

on

"can alone secure to them the attachment "of the natives."-The public, Sir, with whom this speech had a wonderful effect, have, at this day, quite forgotten that it was ever uttered; and, I myself, though, as to such matters, tolerably vigilant, had, really, but a faint recollection of it, when on the 10th of August last, after fourteen months of profound silence, on your part, the papers, which you had moved for, in 1802, were laid before the House. What was now your conduct, Sir? Did you redeem, or did you "forfeit" your "pledge?" Did you adhere to the Nabob of Arcot? Or, did you abandon him, and that too upon the most miser able pretext, ever set up by mortal man? "I did move," said you," for some of those

papers, with a view to a motion, which I "meant to make, respecting the affairs of "the Carnatic; but, so many other papers "have been moved for, that it is impossible "the motion can come on this session;

"and, at all events, I should not have brought it on under the present circumstances, because I could not have done it, "without appearing to support the language "used by France upon this subject."--And, is it thus, Sir, that you keep your engagements? Is this an instance of that political constancy, of which you boast? Was it on grounds like these that you relinquished the "full and fair investigation," which you had, in the most explicit and most solemn manner, pledged yourself to institute, for the great purpose of "rescuing the British "nation from the suspicion of giving countenance to acts so flagrant and so atro"cious "Shall it be said, that the "Bri

"tish ARISTIDES," had recourse to an expedient like this, to get rid of his promise towards a person, whose cause he had espoused, and, with respect to whom, "the

principles of justice and of honour had "been trampled on "If the 10th of August was too late a day to take up the subject, as indeed it was, why did you not call it forward on an earlier day? The House had been assembled nine months; and, could you not, during the whole of that time, find a day for the investigation? And why were papers, which were called for, and ordered, in June, 1802, kept back till the middle of August, 1803, and then laid upon the table just two days before the Parliament was prorogued? Would you hare borne this delay, if you had, at first, been in earnest, or if you had not forfeited your "pledge" from some motive, which it would not have been very convenient to ayow?But, it seems, your intended proceeding in this business would have been clogged by the " many other papers," which had been moved for. What, Sir, is it possible, that additional documents, all relating to the same subject, could have rendered the matter more difficult to discuss? Leaving this objection to its inevitable fate, I will now offer a remark or two on the grand reason, which induced you, not only to forego the investigation at the time when the materials for it were brought up, but to lay it aside altogether." At all events," said you, "I should not have brought it on under the present circumstances, because "I could not have done it, without appearing to support the language used by France upon this subject."--So, because Eng

Whether the writer spoke ironically, or not, I shall not pretend to say, but, in the M. Post of the 20th instant was the following little paragraph: The Windhamites cry against Mr Sheri"den from the same motives that the envious Grecks "hated Aristides ! ! ! !!!

land is threatened with an invasion by France, means are not to be taken for rescuing the nation from the suspicion of having given countenance "to acts the most

flagrant and atrocious!" because England is threatened by an unjust and unrelenting enemy, she herself is to lie under the charge, preferred by yourself, of having connived at injustice and unrelenting cruelty towards a prince, from whom she had never received an injury! because the situation of the country is critical, Parliament is to wink at all the follies and crimes in the administration of affairs, both at home and abroad! How does this agree, Sir, with the doctrine, heretofore laid down by you? The

Right Honourable Gentleman," said you, "has made a strange assertion: according "to him, the worse the country is situated, "the more ready should the House be to "lend their assistance to ministers! What "would be the effect of such doctrine, if "it were to be adopted by the House? "Would it not annihilate their first duties, by extinguishing that vigilance and jealousy by which alone those duties can be "performed?" This “ strange assertion" you now make; this very doctrine you are now endeavouring to impose upon the House, and, should the House adopt it, they will very soon be reduced to a level with the legislative mutes of Buonaparté. This is, however, no new doctrine: it has been preached by the supporters of every ministry, who have plunged the nation into difficulties and disgrace. In times of peril, it has always been a favourite topic with the timid stock-holder, the profligate tool of power, and the hungry hunter after place †

But, it appears, that, besides te reluc tance arising from the dangers of the coun try, you refrain from bringing on your promised investigation, because, you could not do it, "without appearing to support the language used by France upon this subject." Now, Sir, what is the language used by France upon this subject? The very same language which you yourself made use of on the 23d of June, 1802! Nay, the MONITEUR and the MERCURE DE FRANCE, translate your very words, and convey them from one end of Europe to the other, as an irrefragable proof of the ambition, the injustice, the rapacity, the cruelty, or to use your own words, "the flagrant and " atrocious acts," of the British Government

*Speech, 16th Feb. 18c1. Debrett's Pari. Register.

Mr. Burke has some good observations on this doctrine: see the motto to this sheet.

in India. The language used by France, on this subject, you put into her mouth; upon your authority she is now accusing this country of acts more tyrannical and of views more ambitious than she herself can be accused of: and, because you would not appear to support this her language, you decline bringing on the subject; you leave the British nation loaded with the foulest of suspicions, and you forfeit a pledge, solemnly given to the Parliament and the people! At the time when you first broached this matter, you had in view only the reputation it would acquire you: you thought to make a good thing of it: you did not foresee those potent reasons for forbear. ance, which have since occurred to you, and of which I shall speak more explicitly when I come to consider your conduct relative to the Council of War. When, therefore, the papers, which, on the 10th of August last, forced from you the miserable excuse, on which I have been remarking, were brought up, you knew not what to say, nor which way to look. Here was before the House a complete specimen of the sort of service, which the country derives from your "true English feeling." In the case of the mutiny in the fleet, the cause and effect, the first and second acts, of your conduct, were at a greater distance, or, at least, they were not connected by a link so visible. Men of sense and reflection did, indeed, perceive, that, in condemning the conduct of the mutineers, you were only making a very trifling and inadequate atonement for the mischief theretofore done by your anarchical speeches, in as well as out of Parliament; they perceived, that "you were

only bringing your bucket, or rather thim"ble full to extinguish the mighty confla

gration, which you had so sedulously as"sisted in producing ;"* but, to the Public in general, and, indeed, to the House itself, the connexion was not nearly so evident as in the case now under consideration, where cause and effect met, as it were by appointment, and, side by side, presented ihemselves to the notice of the spectators. It was during the debate on the famous Vote of Thanks to the Volunteer Corps. I shall not forget the scene the longest day I have to live. You were standing by the side of the table, giving vent to the full tide of your "true English feeling;" exhorting the members, to leave behind them all their political animosities, all party-spirit; to do and to say nothing that might tend to embarrass the government, or feed the enemy

• Mr. Windham's Speech, 4th Aug. 1803.

with hopes or with arguments against us, but firmly to unite, and to act as one man, in defence of their Sovereign and their country. Just at this moment it was, that the Clerk of the House came up, and clapped down, close beside you, the enormous packet of papers, which you yourself had called for, with a view of making good your charge of " flagrant and atrocious" conduct against the very government, towards whom you were now calling for unlimited forbearance! "Nothing," as Fielding says, in speaking of his puppet-men, who, just at the close of a long harangue on the excellent moral effects of his scenes, was interrupted by the noise of the landlady dragging in her maid, whom she had detected in an intrigue with the Merry Andrew, and who, in her justification, pleaded the example of the fine lady in the puppetshow, "nothing could have happened so "very inopportune as this accident; the "most wanton malice of fortune could not "have contrived such another stratagem to "confound the poor fellow, while he was "so triumphantly descanting on the excel

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lence of his principles. His mouth was

now as effectually stopped, as that of a "quack must be, if in the midst of a de"clamation on the great virtues of his pills "and powders, the corpse of one of his martyrs should be brought forth, and deposited upon the table before bim, as a testimony of his skill."--Leaving you, Sir, to make the application, and to reflect how far you were prudent in defying the world to point out a single pledge that you had "ever forfeited," I should now proceed to the remaining points of this part of the subject, which want of room, compels me to defer till my next. In the mean time, I am, Sir, yours, &c. &c.

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WM. COBBETT. Duke Street, 20th Sep. 1803.

TO THE EDITOR.

September 18th, 1803. SIR, The vile COMMERCIAL GREATNESS, on which to place all our reliance, has so long been a favourite delusion, you have begun to pourtray in its true colours; you have pierced the deceitful visor; you have touched the shield with your spear, and proved how hollow it sounds! Go on, Sir, to warn the nation, that this commerce, valuable and praiseworthy as it is before it exceeds its limits; before it destroys ancient families, overshadows liberal professions, discourages intellectual eminence, and places all distinction in wealth, must not grow too