privations as those of a poorer one. The greatest empires that have bowed to the yoke of barbarians, and their overthrow proves the truth of this position. Indeed, to doubt it, is to indulge in the fancies of an idle dream. The general who expects the same corporeal energy from men nurtured in the lap of comfort, as from those, whose greatest luxury consists in mere sufficiency, will be disappointed. Why have the Cossacks been able to perform those extraordinary marches which contributed to Suwarrow's fame; but because, they were inured to hunger and fatigue from infancy. And, how does it appear that the English cavalry, the finest, and bravest in Europe, melts away in the course of a conimon campaign; but because the horses being pampered with food, and spoiled with care, are no longer able to act when they are deprived of the portion of each to which they have been accustomed. This may in some degree apply to the infantry, which ought to be divided according to the original habits of those who constitute it. The Scotch, Irish, and Welch, are certainly more accustomed to privations, though not superior in courage to the English.-This induces me to offer an opinion, which will, probably, be rejected by men in power, from an apprehension that they might be suspected unfit for the great offices they fill, if it were imagined they were reduced to the necessity of taking the advice of those who have nothing to recommend their opinions, but their well earned experience in the field.-However, I will offer mine, such as it is; and shall ground it on the difference of character among the people of whom this empire is composed, applying it to the new system of warfare, introduced by the French, in the course of the revolutionary war; during which, they wrested the greatest victories, from the valiant and veteran battalions of their opponents, by the assistance of the increased numbers of light troops. The proportion was probably formed by the plan which the Emperor Leo recommended to his generals, and by which it was proposed, that one third of the infantry should be used as light troops. No officers who have served against the French, who adopted that proportion can deny the advantages they derived from it.-It is well known, that the Romans seized with eagerness whatever appeared useful in the military systems of the nations they subdued, and we need not object to such an illustrious example.—I would, therefore, propose, to the consideration of those who direct our military affairs, to esta

blish corps of terrailleurs, composed of Scotch, Irish, and Welch: they should be formed into three distinct bodies, to act in as many lines, in front of the solid line of battle. The poverty of the countries they inhabit, and consequently, the hardships to which they are inured from their birth, make them peculiarly adapted to the kind of service which I propose for them. If the British army had had these kind of corps in Holland, the loss in officers would not have been so considerable. Our ill success there, however, recalled to the mind of our commanders, similar losses sustained by the British troops in Flanders; and after having acquired experience in those two expeditions, we have begun to take advantage of it, and have already one regiment of riflemen commanded by an able and experienced officer, one of the King's aid-de-camps. Its excellencies were too fully established in the last war, to need any further elucidation. But without dwelling more on that head, let me call your attention to the use of the musket, which I think, I can prove to be in some cases misapplied. In introducing the subject, I will first quote a French author of some repute, who says, in speaking of the present order given to infantry, "that since war has been known, he does not remem"ber any civilised, or savage nations having "formed their line of battle less than four "deep. Nothing but a kind of fanaticism "could produce a contrary military pheno"menon." He adds, "that he has known some officers who lamented such narrow "ideas, but did not despair to see it reduced "to two deep; should the Prussians, or "Austrians give the example: as for him"self, he hoped to see an end to so erroa system, and that good sense "would one day claim its right. The order "of four deep is undoubtedly the least that can be given to infantry."-Now, Sir, let us examine how far this may be applicable to our present system, of which, I have already endeavoured to point out the defects. Notwithstanding my ill success, however, now that we have every thing at stake, lagain offer some observations to our generals. I wish them first, to consider maturely the purpose for which muskets are intended. Secondly, what is the most efficacious method of applying their advantages, and then to reconcile their use with the present mode of fire, and also to connect them with the bodily resistance of lines, when the bayonets are to supercede the fire. I must insist, that the fire of a third rank, has no effect, but that of adding to the consumption of ammu

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nition, and for the truth of what I now assert, I need only appeal to any officers who have seen it practised on service. But, without referring to them, I will only say, that of late we have constantly fired two deep, which sufficiently proves the opinion generally entertained of the inefficacy of that of a third rank. I shall now ask what sort of consistency a long line of two deep can have? for even during the course of an hour's engagement, it cannot preserve its order, much less can it give or receive a shock, the truth of these positions were admitted, the natural remedy, would undoubtedly be, to unite the advantage of fire, to that of consistence. If it is granted that a line two deep is too weak, it must also be allowed that the fire of a third rank is of no avail, and the bayonets (which are the most effec-tual weapons in the hands of British soldiers) too short to be any protection to the front rank. It now remains to determine, what offensive arms ought to be placed in the hands of the third rank; and, I believe, when we consider the immense demand of muskets at present, and the advantage of lances, it will be found, that their use might facilitate the formation of any Army of Reserve. The use of the lance, has been al ways recommended from a principle, founded on nature (which I am sorry to say, has been of late too little attended to in our tactics) because, the man who has the power of attack only, will naturally look to that as his only safety. In short, it will perhaps occur to military men, who may chance to peruse this feeble essay, that the fire of musketiy from a line, has been much disused of late by the continental armies. They have found more benefit from it, in the loose and irregular way in which it has been applied by the French, who generally engaged with a line of terrailleurs, supported by a second line, behind which, is the main body. Thus, when the main body engages the enemy, they very often find him in ene disorder, caused by the terrailleurs, who create still greater confusion on the enemy's flanks, and give the main body every advantage to a tack, and press boldly on the enemy. This is called a charge, and this no troops can take more effectually than the British. At

this time, when all Englishmen are called upon to delend those homes which our wise and excellent laws have rendered so comfortable; it is fair that those who have acquired any military knowledge, should offer their share to the public. This I do cheerfully, Conscious of its generous indulgence.

A late Captain in the Army.

TO THE EDITOR.

Dublin, October 25, 1803. SIR, I have read with true satisfaction the letter of your correspondent Juverna, on the subject of Ireland. It gives me true pleasure to see a probability, that the system and measures of the present wretched and inadequate administration of that country are likely to be fully developed and exposed, and that some hopes may be etertained that this important part of the empire may be rescued from its present weak and corrupt governors. I shall be happy to lend my feeble aid in this disagreeable, though necessary task. I applaud Juverna for his generous endeavour to vindicate from unmerited obloquy, the fair fame of that gallant and veteran soldier Genera! Fox, and who, if he does not abet his own disgrace by a pusillanimous and mercenary compromise, will soon, very soon, triumph over the cabals of the Hardwickes, and be restored to that rank and eminence which he had so honourably acquired, and of which, by base misinterpretation and intrigue, he at present stands divested. It is now evident, that Mr. Addington found the discontents of the Irish at the supineness, ignorance, and imbecillity of Lord Hardwicke, relative to every circumstance preceding the late rebellion, so well founded, so general, and so formidable, that he felt it indispensable to take some strong measure to appease an indignation, which, if totally disregarded, might burst forth with most dangerous effect. Misconduct somewhere was deniable. Blame and criminality were obviously imputable. Censure and punishwere deservedly called for. The only difficulty was whom to make the victim, who could with least ministerial embarrassment be made a sacrifice to national The recall of the lord lieutenaut, the delegate of the ministry, the brother of the new secretary of state, might have created too strong a conviction in the cabinet, and necessitated an inquiry, which could not have been resisted. Such a measure might have implicated the whole ministry; but there was no such danger in

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sacrificing the commander of the forces; he had no support but his tried and acknowledged merits as an officer, which can never stand in competition with the claims of the lowest clerk in office, the opposition and present unpopularity of his brother were favourable to any attack, the inactivity and unprepared state of the military on the 23d of July, were complained of generally, while

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the reasons for them were unknown. recall therefore of this officer might appear as some kind of condescendence to Irish complaint, would be a seeming justification. of Lord Hardwicke, and was not calculated to produce any ferment in the cabinet or any serious consequences in parliament. The measure therefore of recalling General Fox was resolved upon as a measure of state and policy to appease the Irish loyalists, and to clear the conduct of Lord Hardwicke.

From this recall of the commander of the forces of Ireland, not six months after his arrival in the kingdom, and immediately after an insurrection and rebellion, which had occasioned the most general complaint of criminal negligence in some department of administration, is there a man in the united kingdom who does not feel, that whether the imputed blame and criminality be duly ascribed or not to General Fox, that upon him and upon him alone is the entire charge centered by the present cabinet? General Fox is recalled by the cabinet. That recall under all the obvious circumstances of the case is condemnation by the cabinet, and at this moment he stands in the eyes of his country, and in the face of all Europe, as convicted by his Majesty's ministers of flagrant neglect or gross incapacity in his situation of commander of the forces in Ireland, and as the officer to whose culpable negligence, the disasters of the 23d of July, and the murder of Lord Kilwarden are imputable. Such being the present situation of this valuable and meritorious officer, I have only to hope that he will not, as I have said. abet his own disgrace. He feels truly conscious that he has done his duty; that if blame be imputable, it is not to him; multitudes are willing to testify in his favour, if appealed to. Let him then provoke and demand inquiry, and let all criminality be traced and fixed upon its real author.

-I have reason to know that general Fox acted, with regard to the rebellion of the 23d of July, according to the impressions given to him by lord Hardwicke, and to those alone. Every man knows, that in this constitution it is the duty of the military power to be subordinate to the civil. All matters of police, the investigation and knowledge of the sentiments and disposition of the people, all tracing of plots, conspiracies and rebellions, are solely within the civil jurisdiction. The military power, except in case of open rebellion and invasion, never act without the previous direction and present guidance of the civil magistrate.-What then will be the issue of inquiry?—It will appear, that since the arrival of general Fox in Ireland, to the

breaking out of the rebellion, lord Hardwicke impressed upon general Fox that the country was in the most tranquil and secure state. It will appear, that when a mill for the fabrication of gunpowder was detected in Patrick street, a printer of one of the newspapers was reprehended by the Castle for representing this mill as an engine of rebellion. It will appear that no intimation of any probable disturbance was mentioned to general Fox till two o'clock on the 23d of July; it will appear that when lord Hardwicke mentioned the subject to general Fox he gave no credit to it himself, and that when the general requested his excellency's orders, he desired that no measure should be taken that could create alarm; it will appear that lord Hardwicke, so entirely discredited all the information he had received, however strong, and various, that he did not communicate it to the chancellor, certainly not to poor lord Kilwarden, nor, as it was his bounden duty, did he summon a council to consider it, nor did his excellency even send to the lord mayor on the subject, but went home to his residence, in the Phonix park, to his private dinner, in as full security as on any former day of his government. It will further appear that Marsden, the civil secretary, dismissed all his office clerks to sleep in the country, and that his military secretary, Sir Ed. Baker Littlehales. gave a large carousing dinner in the Castle, and never broke up from table till the unfortunate Miss Wolfe was brought frantic into the Castle guard-house-Such are a few of the points which will be substantiated on inquiry, all fixing censure on lord Hardwicke, all exculpating general Fox. We fear, however, no inquiry will be made. It is said, the general's mouth is to be stopped, that a foreign command of high consequence is preparing for him, that he is to be silenc ed, rewarded, and kept out of the way. But, in the name of those laurels, which the general gathered in America, in the name of that renown which he acquired in the face of the allied army, and in the eye of the Emperor at Tournay, we call upon him not to be the pander of his own disgrace, or to seal his dishonour by any mercenary sanction. There is another point which Juverna has brought to light, and for which he deserves the public thanks; I mean the daring and profligate manner in which the new attorney general's emoluments are to be increased at the expense of the nation, and in defiance of public faith; but Juverna has not disclosed the whole of this transaction. The case is this: the chief profits of the attorney general of Ireland used to arise