lities between France and Great-Britain has naturally furnished the rival and the "enemies of either power to avail them. "selves of the difficulties in which such an event must necessarily involve the two principal Belligerents. Nations, like individuals, will eagerly seize on every fa.. vourable occasion to promote their respec"tire interests, and to remove every ob"stacle and embarrassment by which they may in inore inauspicious times have been obstructed and depressed. Thus, since "the breaking out of a French war with France, several treaties or renewal of treaties have been demanded, entered into, and negotiated between Great-Britain " and the Northern Powers, principally relating to the privileges of neutrals, the right of search, and the contraband of war. Whatever difficulties might have " arisen from these discussions, we have had reason to hope, not only, that they were removed, but that new advantages "and facilities have been obtained in our "favour. Of this the late treaty with Sweden is a satisfactory instance. But as we imagined ourselves thereby to be more disentangled from our perplexities, we "seemed little to expect that difficulties " and disagreements would have grown up in a quarter, from which we were more "inclined to flatter ourselves with friendship and favour, than to dread enmity and "obstruction. Little did we seem to expect (by we, we mean the public), that

at the present moment, a moment so big "with other dangers, from a far other and "more formidable foe, the attention and "exertions of Government should be dis"tracted by any unseasonable or unreason"ble claims on the part of America. Yet "little as the public at large seem now to

be aware of it; perhaps upon no topic is the mind of Government more detained and urged at the present moment than on "the revision, principally of the Twelfth Article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, &c. &c. between his Majesty and "the United States of America, concluded "in 1794, and conditionally ratified in 1795. The general stipulations of that Treaty are too numerous and diffuse now to admit of a detailed examination; but "the spirit and tendency of the whole treaty almost wholly rested, more espe

cially as to its future consequences, upon "the Twelfth and Twenty-eighth Articles, "of which, for the convenience and satis"faction of our readers, we now insert the "following copy:"[Here the XIIth Antigle, which relates to the trade between

America and the English West-India Islands, was inserted; and after it the XXVIIIth Article. This article, which provides for a new negotiation, to be begun time enough to conclude another amicable treaty, before the expiration of two years after the conclusion of the last war, ends thus: "but, if it "should unfortunately happen, that his "Majesty and the United States, should not be able to agree on such new arrangements, in that case, all the arti"cles of this treaty, except the first ten" (which ten only go to the settling of old disputes, and have nothing to do with present or future commercial concerns) “ shall "then cease and expire together."] "This is "the unfortunate i sue which the XXVIIIth "article seemed to have in perspec ive, and "which constitutes the principal ground of "the discussion, in which we understand "that Ministers are now deeply engaged. "Under any other circumstances the points "in dispute might be easily adjusted; but "when so many other momentous concerns are at stake, and when we know that the "craft, malice, and intrigue of our great

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enemy will continually and anxiously blow "their pestilential breath on every little sore "that may break out in the body of any "other state, till they fester and inflame it "into acrimonious virulence, we may easily "imagine how much they endeavoured to "irritate the temper of the United States; "of themselves, perhaps, too sanguinely dis→

posed to derive or extort advantages from "the present perplexities and perilous pos"tures of British affairs.-The renewal of "this treaty, we are credibly informed, has "for some time back for ned a principal ob

"of Europe, more especially with France, "has of late considerably increased; and, in "proportion to its growing prosperity, will "they naturally be anxious to enlarge it, or "at least to preserve it undiminished and "unrestrained. Such a disposition on their part, their obvious interests must prompt "them to entertain: it is for us to examine "how far it may be reconcilable with ours. "Mr. Monro is said to have received fresh "instructions from his government to press "this point with every possible urgency;

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nor are his exertions and discretion solely "to be relied on; but another negotiator, 16 we believe, a Mr. Lane, is expected soon 65 to arrive from America, in order to give "additional force and activity to the pending negotiation. Ministers will, no doubt, feel the importance of continuing to mainain a friendly understanding with the United States; but as their coolness and "moderation wll, no doubt, admonish them

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against any harsh or violent extremity, so also are we inclined to hope that their energy and firmness will preserve them "from any unworthy condescension, or pu"sillanimous concession." As to the hand, from which this curious production dropped, though, from the observation relative to an enemy anxiously "blowing his pestilential breath on every little sore that may break out in the body of any other state," one would have attributed it to the Doctor; wet, there appears, upon the whole, to be an uniform heaviness, which, to give the Doctor his due, is not so much the characteristic of his compositions as of those of his right worthy colleague, Lord Hawkesbury, of whose cumbrous periods, whose dullness and verbosity, the above paragraph exhibits a tolerable specimen. In the Doctor's nonsense there is an occasional levity; it is now and then whipped up into a sort of froth or seum, which, of course, assumes a buoyant appearance and effect; while that of his lordship has no quality that can, for one single moment, yield relief from its insupportable weight: Lord Hawkesbury's eloquence is the lead; the Doctor's is the dross. But, not to waste my time upon this fruitless inquiry, the writer, be he who he may, sets out with a very laboured attempt to convince the public, that it is owing to the difficulty of the present times, to the ponderous considerations," which must have, for some time past, occupied the attention of government, that this negotiation with America was not sooner begun. But, did not the ministers know, on the 1st of October, 1801; "did they not, on the very day when they signed the preliminary treaty with

France; did they not then well know, that, in two years from that day, all our commercial regulations with America would, according to the treaty of 1794, cease and determine, unless renewed by a fresh treaty ? Had they never read the treaty of 17942. Did they not read the writings, from which the motto to the present sheet of the Regis ter is taken? Will any one believe, that they were not duly apprised of the consequences, which would arise from their delay to negotiate? The XXVIIIth article of the treaty says: "it is agreed, that proper measures "shall, by concert, be taken for bringing "the subject of the 12th article to an ami"cable treaty and discussion, so early before "the expiration of two years after the end "of the war, as that new arrangements, on "that head, may, by that time, be perfected, "and ready to take place."-Why were they not ready? Why were not the discussions renewed in time? The two years have elapsed some time; they are passed, and the negotiations are now beginning! Say that America would not begin them sooner. Was she asked? And, if she refused, how comes it that she is negotiating now? And, how comes it that we "little expected dif"ficulties and disagreements in this quar"ter?". How comes it, that we were more inclined to flatter ourselves with friendship and favour from America, "than to dread her enmity and obstruction"? No; it is clear, that the postponement of the negotiation was owing to the pusillanimity of the ministers, who hoped on, from day to day, for a juncture more favourable, till France found the means of frustrating their hopes for ever. They put off the discussion of this most important subject, tiil they had suffered France to treat with America; till Louisiana had been purchased by the latter; till, in the terms of that purchase, a promise relative to the commercial relationships between England and America, had been included; and, till this country was again engaged in a war with France, and a war, too, in which they themselves proclaim aloud, that we are fighting for our existence as a nation. This, this is the time that your safe politicians choose for uegotiating with a power, who is, above all things, desirous of obtaining some concessions, which it would be death to us to grant. Where is the use of complaining," that, at the pre"sent moment, a moment big with other "dangers, from a far other and more for"midable foe, the attention and exertions " of government should be distracted by any unseasonable or unreasonable claims on the part of America?" Where is the

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sense of this pitiful whining? The claims may be unseasonable to us; but, are they, therefore, unseasonable to America?" lit"tle did we expect it at a moment like "this!" Why not? This is the very moment when we ought to have expected it. What does America care, whether the moment is "big with dangers" to us, or not? That is for us to think about. Was there ever before heard, such womanish wailing as this? I wrong the women! I do not believe there is one in the kingdom, who would not, under similar circumstances, have acted a much better part. Observe, that an attempt is also made to prepossess the public with a notion, that Lord Grenville, in negotiating the treaty of 1794, foresaw that the present difficulties must arise. He foresaw that they would arise, if care was not, in time, taken to prevent them; and, therefore, he provided for such prevention, by a stipulation, of which the present ministers have shamefully and wickedly neglected to avail themselves.--Were it not for our other embarrassments," the points "in dispute with America might be easily "adjusted." Very true! and, therefore, we must blame, we must accuse, and we ought to beseech his Majesty to dismiss from his councils, the men who have brought us into those other embarrassments.This is "a little sore;" but, little as it is, it seems, that some apprehensions are entertained, as to its growing into a very dangerous ulcer; for, we are told, that the demands of the Americans are extremely unreasonable; that they are urged with lofty and menacing language; that the threats alluded to are" of a nature which prudence "persuades the ministers from detailing, "which seem to aim a severe b'ow at the ge "neral commercial interests of this country, " and which would prove fatal to many respectable individuals." This, then, is not merely a little sore." It is something that will require more skill to cure than Doctor Addington and his whole college possess.They are alarmed, and well they may be ; for this, this is the blow, that will most assuredly finish either their power, or the power of England. There is the treaty of Lord Grenville; we were at war, when that treaty was made; it was concluded at a very disastrous period of the war; let the present ministers, therefore, answer with their lives any abandonment of its principles; for, on its principles depend our existence as a maritime power. Mr. Fox censured the treaty of 1794. He said it was too favourable to America; and, in some points, it certainly was. What, then, shall be said, what shail

be done, to the ministers, who shall dare to enter into a compact more favourable to America? Lord Hawkesbury boasted of the clever trick of "placing the French upon the "back of the Americans," and said it would be a sure means of binding the latter more closely to England. Well; now let us see, whether this deep trick has answered the end proposed; let us see whether he will obtain as good terms as those which were obtained by Lord Grenville before the French were placed upon the back of the Americans. The haughtiness" of the Grenvilles has been, by the present ministers, made the subject f much mob-courting complaint: let us see then, whether as much will be done by their conciliating disposition; let us see which is most advantageous to the country, the "haughtiness" of the Grenvilles, or the sycophancy of the Jenkinsons. We have, indeed, already had a tolerable good proof, in the Conventions with the Northern neutrals; but, it is in the result of the present dispute with America; this is the event, that will make the nation feel, though it ma still be resolved to shut its eyes; this event will bring on it the punishment justly due to its baseness in tamely and silently submitting to the rule of ministers, whose measures it disapproves of, and whose talents and character it despises. It will be perceived, that I have been obliged to confine myself here merely to a few short remarks on this ministerial paragraph; and that, as to the subject of the dispute itself, I have not room enough even to enter on it. In the next sheet, however, I intend, 1. to state the origin of this dispute; II. to describe the objects which the American government has in view; III. to show the fatal effects which, to the commerce, navigation, and maritime strength of Great Britain, must inevitably proceed from the accomplishment of those objects; and IV. to trace the pretensions and demands of America, clearly and fairly to trace them, to their only source, to wit, the misconduct of ministers with regard to the peace of Amiens, and to Louisiana in particular; to the general imbecillity of their councils, and to the utter contempt, in which their public character and talents are held, in the United States, amongst persons of all parties and descriptions. I

* In the mean time, to those who have the books, I beg leave to recommend a reference to the folowing passages.Letters on the Peace. p. 244 10 254 Political Register, Vol. I. p. 44 to 46 —202, 203.-449, 801 to 811, particularly, p. 805 and 8:0. Vol. II. p. 6.—41.—51 2.-- Vol. III. p. 191299-300-303-471-2023 to 2041, particulary, 2034. Preface to Vol. III. p. 2.Vol. IV. p.

cannot dismiss this subject without observing, that the statement, which has been given in the ministerial prints, respecting the satisfaction testified by the Americans at the conduct of our cruizers, is totally false, there being now, on the table before me, proof upon proof of their discontent as to the conduct of those cruizers, which proofs shall appear in my next. I beg not to be understood as abetting the complaints of the Americans. I know that many of them will prove futile; but, when such a statement is made here, and that, too, with the low and malicious intention of making the public be lieve, that "the complaints, which were but "too justly urged by the Americans, during "the last war, are now completely removed," in such a case, it is my duty to detail facts, which might otherwise have been suffered to pass unnoticed; and I shall not fail to prove, that the complaints of the Americans, as to the point in question, have already been more numerous than they were during any year of the last war.

COBBETT's

PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. Whatever difference of opinion may prevail, with regard to the practice which is allowed, or rather, tolerated, of publishing the Parliamentary Debates, men of all parties must agree, that, as long as the practice exists, it is very desirable, as well for the honour of parliament as for the sake of truth, that the reports should display some share of talent, united with the greatest possible impartiality; and, that this has not hitherto been frequently the case, few persons, it is presumed, will be very earnestly disposed to deny. For the hasty compilalations of the diurnal prints, as also for the periodical pamphlets, which have heretofore appeared under the title of Debates, and which are, for the most part, mere collections from the newspapers, great allowance is, probably, to be made; but, without inquiring into the cause, the consequence certainly is, that the debates, as at present communicated to the world, reflect very little credit on the nation; and, with respect to the

447 -These references will furnish the reader with almost every useful fact, appertaining to this most important subject.

knowledge, the talents, the principles, and the conduct of the members, some few fashionable orators excepted, produce impressions very far from being either favourable or just. As a remedy for these evils, but particularly for that of the injurious partiality, which but too frequently prevails, in the publications alluded to, this work is principally intended; and, that the execution may be commensurate with the design, it has been committed to a gentleman, who is not only eminently qualified for the undertaking, but who, as to this particular pursuit, yields not the preference to any person in the kingdom. The mode of arrangement and other inferior circumstances will be best exhibited in that specimen of the work, which will, of course, be seen in the first number. It may, however, be proper to observe, that great care will be taken to introduce every important debate by a sketch of the bill, or other topic debated on; that abstracts of the several accounts, estimates, reports, and laws, will be regularly communicated to the reader; and, that marginal notes and references will be inserted, wherever such insertion may appear necessary for the purpose of conveying information, or of obviating mistakes. The work will be published in Numbers, price 1s. each, the Paper will be of the same size as that of the Political Register; and it is right to observe here, that these Debates will also be included in the Supplements to the successive volumes of the Register. The numbers will succeed each other as fast as the proceedings of Parliament shall furnish materials; and, at the close of the session, there will be published, for the convenience of those who do not take the whole of the Political Register, a title page, a table of contents, and an index, to the volume.--Gentlemen who may wish to recollect, that, as there will be published be furnished with the work, will please to no greater number of copies, than is wanted to meet the immediate demand, and that, as, of course, no back numbers will be kept for sale, it will be necessary for them, they desire to possess the work complete, to give their orders previous to the publication of the first number, which must necessarily take place, in about a week after the meeting of Parliament. Published by MR. BAGSHAW, Bow Street, Covent Garden, and also by MR. BUDD, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall; and may be ordered from any of the Booksellers or Newsmen of London and Westminster.

VOL. IV. No. 21.]

[Price 10D

TO R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ. M. P.

Stz,-When the characteristics of the parliament, as depicted in the printed reports of these latter years, are compared with those which ast assembly exhibited at almost any former pead of our history; when, as pourtrayed Desame picture, its conduct during the lustration of Pitt and of Addington, is pared with that which it displayed in the days of the Godolphins, the Harleys, the Walpoles, the Chathams, the Botes, and even the Norths; whenever, wherever, and by whomsoever this comparison shall be made, it is much to be apprehended, that the result will be but little advantageous to the present Lanes. Indeed, if, proceeding upon the admitted fidelity of the press, one looks back to the administration of Sir Robert Walpole; if one opens the reported debates of that day, it Impossible to avoid a profound sense of huiaion; the contrast forces itself upon ene's mind in spite of all resistance; and, le the heart sinks within one, the lips jarolontarily pronounce," how are the i mighty fallen!" Many, doubtless, are the tases, which have contributed towards this lementable effect; but, amongst them all, there is, perhaps, no one that has had a more powerful operation than the constant use of low banter, which you appear to have introduced into debate, and which, fallirgin with the humour of the common peopit, and, for that reason, praised and indusLonly retailed by the news-printers, has, Taly, if we are to believe the statements of ese printers, obtained a certain degree of Popularity even in the parliament itself. Against the display of real wit and humour, Frought in by way of auxiliary to the reaing powers of an orator, no sound objecon can be made: wit is no proof of frivoty, much less is dullness a mark of wisdom. But, Sir, when, in reply to argument, we see raking but jests; when the speech, as it is called, adheres neither to the subject in deFate nor to any other subject, but wanders alung from digression to digression, for an hour or two together, through a maze of in

[739

coherent bantering phrases, invented or borrowed, and evidently arranged for the occasion; and, when we are told, that this miserable farrago was cheered, and, as it were, encored, and that too by persons assembled for the purpose of making laws for the government of a great kingdom, it is impossible not to receive impressions, which, if it were easy, it would not be very pleasant, to describe. --If these impressions are powerful, and of an injurious tendency, when considered as operating upon our own minds, they are much more so when considered as to the opinions of foreigners. On the Centinent of Europe, in America, and, indeed, in every part of the civilised world, the reports of the proceedings in the British parliament are read with the deepest interest; and, it requires no very long acquaintance with the politicians of other countries to convince one, that the character of this nation, and of the parliament in particular, have materially suffered from the insertion, in those reports, of the grovelling witticisins above alluded to. With those who exclaim: "what is the opinion of foreigners to us!" one cannot attempt to reason; but, though their minds are callous, their bodies are not; they have corporeal though they have no intellectual feelings; they are to be come at through the means of the enemy, and of the collector of taxes: in this way they have felt, and will yet severely feel, the consequences of having sunk in the opinions of other nations; in this way they will, when it is much too late, discover, that men do not, with impunity, suffer themselves to be degraded in the eyes of the world.--For the success which you have had in this work of degrada ion, you are, however, in great part, indebted to the co-operation of the London press, particularly that part of it, which is confined to the publication of political paragraphs, and of parliamentary debates; and, for this co-operation, you are principally indebted to the numerous facilities afforded you by your possession, or, at least, your command of, Drury Lane Theatre. If I am accused here of trenching upon