SUMMARY OF POLITICS. AMERICA. By a reference to p. 880 et seq., it will be seen, that, in consequence of a convention between the United States of America and France, the former obtained the right of possessing Louisiana; but, we now learn, from American papers and let1ers, that the Spaniards refuse to evacuate New Orleans and the other parts, which they are in actual possession of; and, in fact, that, though they were ready, though an order was issued from the Court of Madrid, to give up the country to the French, they are by no means disposed to yield it to the Americans. This is very strange; so strange, that were not the fact confirmed in the best possible way, every one acquainted with the degraded state of the Spanish pow er would hesitate to believe it; and, it is absolutely impossible to suppose, that the Spaniards are now making this resistance, unabetted or unbacked by some other power. Is it impossible that our ministers have bethought themselves of some trick relative to Louisiana? And are we to look upon this resistance on the part of Spain as the price of neutrality with respect to GreatBritain? This would be curious enough; but, the probable conjecture is, that the French are resolved not to yield the country till after they are paid, and, perhaps, not even then. They have, very likely, only made a sham transfer of it to America, in order to cover it from the hands of GreatBritain, till the war is over, and the obstacle; now raised against the Americans taking possession, is, most probably, only intended to amuse the people of America, till the end of the war, or for year or two, at least. A short time will, however, show us the bottom of this artifice. THE CONTINENT appears to be alarmed at the increase of the power of France. In Russia a small augmentation of the army has taken place, and there is some talk of hostile preparations on the part of the Court of Vienna; but, even if the dispositions and preparations of those courts were ten times as great as they are, there would be no hope of obtaining their co-operation against France, while England is governed by a ministry, in whom no foreigner upon the face of the earth has any confidence. Though Russia may be jealous of, and displeased with France, it will require diplomatic skill, other than that possessed by Lord Hawkesbury, to persuade that power to embark in a war, the ostensible object of which is, to give us Malta in perpetuity. For this reason it is, that the Moniteur (of the 8th in stant) so confidently declares to us: "You "shall not retain Malta; you shall not ob"tain Lampedosa, and you shall sign a 66 treaty less advantageous to you than that "of Amiens! This is a threat much more terrible than that of invasion, and a threat, too, which, if the present ministry remain in power, or if the Volunteer System be persisted in, will most assuredly be carried into execution. The public prints are flattering themselves, that, because the Moriteur denies that the Consul has ever pledged himself to invade England, and because that paper now states, that he only said he would form camps along the coast; this has led our small politicians to conclude that the Consul is "drawing in his horns." As alluding to the improved state of Buonaparte's conjugal concerns, this may be considered as a passable pun; but, really, it would be difficult for any rational man to discover, in these expressions of the Moniteur, any hope of having broken or lowered the spirit of our enemy. What does Buonaparte want to do more than he is now doing? What state, if he could have his utmost wishes; what state, worse than our present state, could he, as yet, desire to see us in? Penned up in our island; trembling at his threats; preparing to fortify our capital, and to inundate our counties; giving bounties of 40 guineas a man for soldiers; having 400,000 of our shop-keepers armed, and the greater part of them under the controul of committees; with the spirit of rebellion and "insurrection actually raging in Ireland." to such a degree as to require the terrors of martial law to keep them down; with out being able to make one war-like effort, living at a war expenditure of £42 000 000 a year, in addition 126,000,000 a year expenses of public debt, civil list, and mi-cellanies; and, though last not least, with Mr. Addington and Lord Hawkesbury for ministers; what more, what worse, what greater calamity and disgrace could even Buonaparté have wished us? It is incredible, that he should have hoped, so soon to have reduced us to this state; and, yet, there are persons who be. lieve, or affect to believe, that he is disheartened! 46 to IRELAND. It appears, that the following paragraph has been inserted in all the Dubin news-papers." In the report given in "some of the newspapers of the debate of "the army estimates, it is said to have been asserted by Mr. Fox, "that it was well "known that General Fox made more preparations against the insurrection of the 23d of July than the lord lieutenant thought necessary; and that in conse. quence he had written for the general, saying, in consequence of your prepa'rations, I suppose you have received ad"ditional intelligence -We have autho rity to say, that no letter bearing such construction, was at any time written by "the lord lieutenant to the general."-It is strange that this paragraph should be pub. lished, as it apparently has been, by authority. It is a mark of great indiscretion, to say the least of it; because it renders the proposed motion of Admiral Berkeley abso lutely necessary. The parties are now at issue upon a point of fact, of fact, too, that admits of clear and satisfactory proof, on one side or the other, without a possibility of making disclosures inconsistent with the public welfare; and, therefore, the ministers can have no grunds whatever, whereon to oppose an inquiry. DOLLARS, it is said, are soon to be issued as currency. The nominal value, at which these dollars will pass, will, at once, show us, and the whole world, whether the nonpayment of specie at the bank, has been, as some persons insist, no injury at all to the credit of its paper. The stirling value of the Spanish and American dollar is, four shillings and sixpence: before the bank restriction, it always passed for 4s. 6d. in exchange against English bank notes; and, if it passes at the same rate now, I shall be ready to confess my error; and to allow, that the bank notes are not at all depreciated. Having touched upon this topic I shall take the opportunity of explaining the grounds, on which, in my last sheet, I ventured to dissent from an opinion of Lørd Grenville's, which, as I then stated, appeared to me to be erroneous. His lordship had said, that, great as the increase of bank paper had been, since the restriction, the increase of private paper had been, proportionally much greater, and for this very obvious Cause, that, for private paper cash may legally be demanded, while for bank paper it cannot. This notion seemed to me not to be quite correct, because, as bank paper is, in all cases, a protection against arrests for debt; and, as private paper can, at worst, be no more than a proof of debt, the holder of such paper has tially discharge of debt, unless the creditor chose to receive it as such. I know, that the holder of private paper may demand from the private banker the full value of it in cash, which he cannot do with respect to the Bank of England? but I also know, that if the private banker tender to the said holder Bank of England notes in payment of the private paper, that he, the said holder, cannot arrest him. He may, indeed, levy an execution for the debt, or he may sue out a commission of bankruptcy for the refusal to pay in specie; but these things he can also do, with respect to every debtor who tenders bim Bank of England notes, and who refuses to pay bim IN SPECIE, being the lawful coin of the kingdom; a circumstance of which, at the present moment, every man ought to be apprized. The only difference, as to the point in question, be tween private paper and bank paper, appears to be this: all the parties both tendering and issuing the former, are liable to be sued ; but tenderers only, and not the issuers, of the latter are liable to such process, Bank paper, after it gets into circulation, is not a discharge of debt, but, in cases where the Bank itself is the debtor, it is a discharge of debt! How far this circumstance may have operated in producing a preference of private paper, and in what degree it favours the opinion of Lord Grenville, I have not the means of ascertaining; but, it is to be presumed, that his lordship did not speak without possessing full information on the subject. that which he would have if he were the no remedy other than holder of bank paper, because this latter paper can, at any time, be tendered to him in of private paper has, therefore, always the payment of his private paper; and the issuer power to transform himself into the tenderer of bank paper. I did not mean to say, that Blender of bank paper was, in any case, a VOLUNTEER-COMMITTEES.-In my last sheet, I promised to return to this subject, and to give a more detailed account of volunteer committees than I had theretofore given. When Mr. Windham cited a volunteer corps governed by a committee, and besought parliament to direct their attention to the subject, he was told, that the corps be had alluded to was 66 a solitary instance, "and that even that corps he had not thought proper to name." This was said by Mr. Hiley Addington, on the 14th inst. and was accompanied with a heinous charge against Mr. Windham, of his being unpopu lar in every part of the country. To this one may reply: "so much the worse for the country." But, as to the assertion, that the corps alluded to by Mr. Windham was a solitary instance, and even that without a name, the best answer is to name some corps having a committee, and, for this reason, I now name the Duke of Gloucester's Loyal Volunteers, commanded by Lord Viscount Chetwynd. The constitution of some corps was quoted by Mr. Windham and Dr. Laurence, but, that of Lord Chetwynd's I shall now give at full length as follows: "Declaration, Rules, and Regulations, of the Duke of Gloucester's Loyal Volunteers, commanded by Colonel Lord Viscount Chetwynd. London: printed by J. Downes, Strand, 1853. "DECLARATION.We who have hereunto subscribed our names, do enroll ourselves to serve personally in the corps of the Duke of Gloucester's Loyal Volunteers. We declare that we will, at our expense, provide ourselves with uniform cloathing and accoutrements, according to patterns agreed upon, and will serve without emolument; arms and ammunition being provided by government. That previously to receiving arms, we will take the oath of allegiance,That we will meet for training and exercising, as often as may be deemed requisite for the maintenance of order and discipline.That we will, upon all occasions, be in readiness to preserve peace, and protect the persons and property of our fellow subjects within the metropolis; it being fully understood by us, that this Declaration is not to be considered as claiming any limitation or restriction of service, which may, in the smallest degree, interfere with the exercise of his Majesty's ancient and undoubted prerogative of requiring the military service of his subjects in ease of invasion of the realm.And lastly, we do in honor bind ourselves to be obedient to all the lawful commands of our officers, whilst on military duty, and also to abide by all rules and regulations formed, or to be formed, by the present OR FUTURE committee, when confirmed by a majority of the corps " -- "RULES AND REGULATIONS.-I. That the af fairs of the corps be managed by a committee to be appointed qua.terly, and to consist of one field officer, one captain, one lieutenant, one ensign, one serjeant, and sixteen privates, (i. e. two from each company) seven to be a quorum, of which six must be privates.-The other field officers may be present and deliver their sentiments at all meetings of the committee; but one only shall be entitled to vote.-11. That the field officers be elected in rotation, commencing with the colonel; the other officers by and out of their respective ranks; and the privates (two) by and out of their respective companies. The officers and one half of the privates to be changed at every election, and no one to be eligible for more than two quarters in Succession.Ill. That the committee meet in the orderly room on the first and third Wednesday in every month, and at any other times the superior officer upon the committee may direct, provided due notice be given by the secretary to each member. IV. That the committee shall, whenever requested by twenty members of the corps (signified in writing to the secretary, and stating the business to be brought forward) call a gener meeting to be held within seven days after the request be transmitted to the committee, who shall also give to every member of the corps, three days notice of such intended meeting and the purport of it.-V. That out of the committee for the time being, there be chosen a sub-committe, to consist of three members, who shl. superintend the receipts and disbursements o' the corps, sign the drafts or orders upon the treasurer, (which shall be countersigned by the secretary) and make a monthly report of the state of the finances to the committee VI. That each member pay annuelly, if necessary, a subscription of one guinea and an half, to create a tund for defraying the incidental expenses of the corps, to become due npon the first day of August, and that the same be paid to the collector within one month of that date. VII. That in order to meet the wishes of a number of persons of rank, respectability, and fortune, who being prevented by sex, age, or state of health, from affording personal aid, desire, nevertheless, to evince their loyalty and shew their approbation of the public spirited motives which have induced the formation of this corps, by contributing to the extraordinary expenses thereof; the treasurer be empowered to receive from such persons a subscription of not less than two guineas.VII. That each person desirous of becoming a member of this corps, shall, if proposed and seconded, be ballotted for at the next meeting of the committee; a majority of black balls to exclude.IX. That no person be admissible at any future period who may once have been rejected upon a buller.X. That every new member do, within ten days after having received notice from the secretary of his admission, sign the Declaration, also pay his subscription, and commence his attendance at drill. XI. That every member provide accoutrements and an uniform diess, in all respects conformable to the patterns and printed description, within one month from the time of his admission.XII. That no member be permitted to join the ranks until he shall have obtained a certificate of his being qualified for the same, either from the Adjutant or superintending officer of the drills, such certificate to be signed also by the commanding officer of the company to which he is attached - -XIII. That each unqualified person attend at least four drills in each week, but such as possess a certificate for the ranks be exempt from such attendance.-XIV. That if any member appear with uniform or accoutre, ments not regular and clean, or without powder in his hair, he shall not be permitted to fall into the ranks.XV. That the serjeants of the respective companies do, in rotation, call the roll precisely at the time fixed; and that no member shall be considered as present unless he be in his station before the termination of the roll-call. -XVI. That no member be absent from the general muster or field days, without leave from the commitice, or the commanding officer; unless he assign in writing an apology for his absence.XVII. That apologies be addressed to the commanding officer of the respective companies, and transmitted by him to the Committee for examination or enquiry, and that none be received after the commencement of the roll-call.XVIII. That every person be, whilst under arms, attentive and obedient to such commands of the respective officers, as may he expedient to promote discipline. That no one be permitted to talk whilst in the ranks, or draw off the attention of others from their duty, nor shall any one leave his station without permission · -XIX. That commissioned officers be elected by a balles of the corps, that future candidates for commissions be approved by the officers already appointed. That one month be allowed to qualify for the duties; and if, at the expiration of that time, any one elected be found by the field officers and adjutant, incompetent, an application for a commission be withheld, and the appointment declared void.XX. That non-commisioned officers be dected by and out of their respective companies, and be subject o the preceding rule of qualification. — XXI. That at the first general meeting after Michaelmas, Christmas, Lady Day, and Midsummer, the committee shall fix the days and hours for drilling, and also the general muster and held days to be held during that quarter.- -XXII, That if any member refuse to conform to the rules and regulations established, or behave himself in a retractory or ungentleman-like manner, his conduct shall be enquired into by the committee, who shall have full power to fine, censure, or expel him. XXIII. That the fine for any single act, be not less than one shilling, nor more han five. XXIV. Tha the serjeants do, the fi st week of every month, and by rotation, collect the fines, report the amount, and give in a list of the defaulters to the committee, and pay whatever sums may have been received to the treasurer.XXV. That it being expedient to ascertain at all times, as nearly as possible, the number of effective members, every person be required to send to the comman ing officer of his company, early information of illness, or an obligation to leave town. XXVI. That a court of honour be established, and annually elected by the committee, to consist of one field officer, two captains, and three privates, above thirty years of age, who shall take cognizance of real or supposed causes of offence, or disputes which may have occurred amongst members of the corps whilst on duty, and that every member shall be bound in honour to abide by its decision, and to refrain from seeking any other mcle of redress-XXVII. That no resignation be accepted unless to days notice of the intention has been given in writing to the committee, and all arrears paid. XXVIII. That no additional rules or regulations shall be established, nor any that have been agreed upon rescinded, unless proposed by the committee, and confirmed by the corps at a general meting, who shall individually have been apprised of the subjet, at least three days previous to such meeting.That the preceding engagements and regulations be signed by the colonel, and a suficient number of copies he printed and delivered to each member of the corps without delay. CHETWYND, Col. D. G. L. V. Here, to use a vulgar phrase, is "chapter "and verse for it." It will now hardly be denied, even by Mr. Colonel Hiley Addington, that there is one corps governed by a committee. But, it is notorious, that almost every volunteer corps is so governed. I will just, however, name a few places, where there are such corps; to wit; Bromley, Dorking, Croydon, Mitcham, Wandsworth, Kingston, Twickenham, Richmond, Putney, Fulham; and, in town, Inns of Court, St. James's, St. Margaret's, Westminster, St. Giles's and St. George's Bloomsbury. Here are cities, towns, and villages; and, these not selected; but taken as they came to hand. Not one volunteer corps of infantry, in short, do I know, or have I heard of, except the corps of Lord Chesterfield and Mr. Windham, which has not its committee of some sort or other; and, it was something which would have astonished any stranger to hear the Right Honourable Mr. Colonel Hiley Addington insist, that the corps mentioned by Mr. Windham was a solitary instance, when it had, but a day or two before, been acknowledged, in Parliament, by the Attorney-General and Mr. Erskine, that the two corps, to which they belonged, had committees attached to them.- It will be said, perhaps, that the greater part of the committees have no power over any thing but the pecuniary affairs. That this is not the case in Lord Chetwynd's corps will not be denied. I do not believe it is so in any one of the corps that I have mentioned; and though the reader will perceive how difficult it must be for me to come at proof positive as to the precise powers of these committees, I am enabled to state, that I have now before me, a resolution of the committee of the Mitcham corps, expelling two men, for misbebaviour at drill; and, I confidently state, that the committee of the St. Giles's and St. George's Bloomsbury elect the officers; and, that they raise money upon the parishes, the Parliament and the public have been already very well informed. Of this last corps the King's Advocate, Sir John Nicholl, is colonel, and of this very committee, the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench are members! Yet his Majesty's ministers, in the House of Commons, expressed their surprize and borror, when they were told of the existence of such committees ! A due sense of respect for the character of the noble lords above mentioned, bids me state here, that neither of them had any hand in, or any knowledge of, the address to the inhabitants of the parishes of St. Giles, and St. George which address was mentioned with such merited. disapprobation, in the House of Commons; and, I believe, that they were, on the contrary, amongst the persons aimed at in the address, as not having contributed in proportion to their means. Every way that you turn this system, it presents new deformity. Here we find it, first mixing these great and venerable characters with common tradesmen, and next exposing them to public reproach; reproach, too, which they certainly did not merit; for, if they had subscribed very large sums to the volunteer fund, they would, thereby, only have laid the foundation for exhorbitant claims upon others.—— Returning to the committees, I cannot, for my part, see the drift of those, who wish us to believe, that their powers are entirely confined to pecuniary matters. "Money is "the sinews of war," and sinews ce tua'y not less necessary in civil than in foreign war; and, therefore, to desire us to conclude, that committees will always remain feeble and harmless, merely because they hold the purse strings, is, I must say it, a nost unreasonable request.Though this source of danger was treated very lightly in the House of Commons, it appears to have ac quired consideration in its passage to the upper House; for, on the 16th instant, we find the ministers seriously protesting against volunteer committees. We find that respectable nobleman, Earl Romney, hitherto a distinguished friend of the volunteers, declaring, that," much as he approves of "the volunteer system, he is ready to con fess, that, rather than have corps with "such committees, he would not have the corps at all; for, that, if these commit"tees are suffered to exist, he has no hesitation to say, that the monarchy is "not safe for six months." These were, as near as possible, his lordship's very words. Lord Grenville, on the same occasion, said, that the sort of powers vested in the committees was of little consequence. If there were committees of any kind, and for any purpose, they ought to be done away; for that, if they could deliberate and debate upon one subject, they would upon another subject; and, that, it was by such a club system that the monarchy of France was overthrown.--It is but a short time since 2 publication appeared in the newspapers, stating, that delegates from the several volunteer-corps, in and about the metropolis, had met in general committee, for the purpose of devising and fixing upon a plan to raise a fund for the cure, or the support, of such volunteers or their families as might be injured, either directly or indirectly, by accidents happening while at exercise, &c. &c. If they could affiliate for this purpose, so could they for any other purpose let, therefore, any unprejudiced man say, whether there is not just cause of apprehension: let him recollect the garde nationale, the Champ de Mars; and let him not forget Louis the Sixteenth! I am ready to allow, that there is not, at this time, one man in the kingdom belonging to these committees, who has ever conceived the idea of using his power for a disloyal pur pose; but, nearly, if not quite, as much might have been said of the first clubs in France, and the first town-meeting committees in America, all of which did, however, at last, heartily join in destroying the governments of those countries respectively; indeed, it was, in both instances, 1 those little parliaments which effected the revolution. The wish to have the appearance of economy has induced the ministers to throw the chief part of the expenses of the volunteer corps on the public, in the shape of subscriptions: this teaches the corps the way of raising money, an art which it is very dangerous to render familiar to men, who are organized into a body, and who have arms in their hands. Out of this economical part of the system the committees have arisen; and, if times of great public distress should arrive, who will attempt to set bounds to the demands of bodies of armed men directed by such committees? Again, I must beg leave to observe, and to beseech the ministers to keep in mind, that those persons, who compose the committees now will not compose them a year or eighteen months hence, especially if the times become calamitous or turbulent. The present members will not, they cannt, long remain; they must be called away by their business or their pleasures, and their places will, with some very few exceptions, be filled by men, to whom a seat in a volun. teer committee will be regarded as an enviable promotion. Then democracy will begin to shew its undisguised front. The volunteer corps will soon become a great and distinct member of the body politic; and, after that, only let there come an alarming scarcity of provisions, a great and sudden depreciation of bank notes, or some such calamity, and farewell for ever, at once and instantly farewell to all that is dear to us, all that we are now ready to lay down our lives to preserve! ERRATA in the last sheet, p. 847, l. 12, for distant read distinct, p. 880, for negligent read malignant. COBBETT'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. 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