Strafford alone, they might have taken courage. In favour of the fallen ministers not a voice had been raised, nor was likely to be raised. Unhappily for the authors as well as for the victims of Parliamentary vengeance, it was already an open secret that Laud and Strafford did not stand alone, and that Charles was only prevented by his fears from favouring them again as he had favoured them before. The one thing which would enable Parliament to be magnanimous was the knowledge that there existed in England a government which it could trust. In the midst of these attacks on the ministers of the Crown the Commons had not been unmindful of the effect which was likely to be produced on Charles himself. They had The King's made an effort to win him over by providing for his necessities. St. John had reminded the House that now that ship-money and the monopolies had been declared illegal, the King was poor. He called on the members 'to provide a high subsistence for his Majesty.' A message was accordingly sent to the King for permission to take into consideration the expenditure of the Crown. Leave was granted, and it was resolved to set Charles's finances in order as soon as the Christmas vacation was over. That it might be seen that the proper wants of the Crown would be dealt with Two more in no niggardly spirit, two additional subsidies, making four in all, were voted as a security that the armies in the North should not be neglected.1 Dec. 19. revenue. Dec. 23. subsidies granted. What possibility was there that Charles would be really soothed by any attention to his material interests? The power Effect of the proceed. ings of Parliament upon Charles. which he held to be rightfully his own had been wrested from him. The statesmen whom he honoured had been thrust into prison, or compelled to find safety in flight. The Church, of which he believed himself to be appointed by God and the law as the special guardian, was about to become a prey to confusion. Worse than all, men were honouring him with their lips, whilst they set at naught every injunction which he gave. It might be said of him, as was afterwards said of another sovereign whose 'D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxxii. fol. 73, 97. Northcote's Diary, 59. 1640 THE QUEEN'S SCHEMES. 251 misfortunes might be paralleled with his own, that a "king circumstanced as the present, if he is totally stupefied by his misfortunes so as to think it not the necessity, but the premium and privilege of life, to eat and sleep, without any regard to glory, can never be fit for the office. If he feels as men commonly feel, he must be sensible that an office so circumstanced is one in which he can obtain no fame or reputation. He has no generous interest that can excite him to action. At best, his conduct will be passive and defensive. To inferior people such an office might be matter of honour. But to be raised to it, and to descend to it, are different things, and suggest different sentiments." The Queen protects Rossetti, The Queen at least had no intention of acquiescing in the position which Parliament was creating for her and her husband. The Dutch alliance had filled her with unbounded hope. She bade Rossetti to remain at his post ; and though he was recommended to sleep every night at St. James's, under the shelter of the Queen Mother's roof, he was told that the King would not withdraw his protection from him. Why, she asked her confessor, Father Philips, would and begs not the Pope send aid to her, as he had done to the again for Emperor? Philips repeated, what Rossetti had said help from the Pope. to her some months before, that, unless her husband were a Catholic, help could not be given. The Queen answered that if the King declared himself a Catholic he would be at once deposed. He had neither soldiers nor money at his disposal, and the Catholics, therefore, would inevitably receive damage rather than advantage. When Philips reported this Philips conversation to the Pope's agent, Rossetti replied that suggests an the times were not opportune for a war of religion. It would be better to ask the King of France to interfere, on the ground that his sister had been deprived of the advantages promised her in her marriage treaty, or that his nephews were being wronged by the diminution of that sovereignty to which they were the heirs, or simply that his sister and her husband were unjustly deprived of their rights. He application to France. 1 Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. might expect to have in this the help of the Dutch. When the King had in this way been restored to his authority, he would see that it would be impossible to maintain himself without crushing Puritanism, and that he could only expect to do that by union with the Catholic Church. Philips then declares that proceeded to assure Rossetti that the Queen had promised him that if the Pope would send her money, grant liberty the King, on regaining his authority, would grant of worship. liberty of worship in all his kingdoms. The Queen the King will, if successful, If Pym and his allies had been striking in the dark when they declared themselves convinced of the existence of a Popish plot, they were not striking altogether at random. No doubt, if they had been more tolerant, there would have been no plot. Evil begets evil, and the hard measure which they were dealing out to the Catholics led to this invitation to a foreign priest and a foreign king to intervene in the affairs of England. Charles probably What part Charles had in the matter cannot now be known. It is most improbable that the Queen kept her plans a secret from him. If the Commons were left in complete ignorance of these and similar projects, there was informed. enough in Charles's bearing to teach them that he bore no good-will to the cause in which they were engaged. Charles had not the art of inspiring confidence where he felt Charles intends to resist Parlia ment. none. So elated was he shortly before Christmas with the vague hopes of assistance which he had conceived, that he spoke openly to Bristol of his intention to resist the demands which Parliament was certain to make. "Sire," replied the plain-spoken earl, "you will be forced to do what you do not wish."1 Under the growing feeling that a contest with the King was imminent, it behoved the popular leaders to provide for the Dec. 24. Strode unwelcome contingency. Pym had already pointed out that the main source of the evils under which the country had suffered was to be found in the long liaments. intermission of parliamentary life. It was absolutely necessary that, before the Scots were dismissed from England, Rossetti to Barberini. Dec. 25, R. O. Transcripts. Jan. 4 1640 CHARLES AND THE SCOTS. 253 and a permanent revenue was voted to the Crown, provision should be made that no such intermission should again occur. On December 24, the day on which the Commons held their last sitting before the short Christmas vacation, Strode brought in a Bill for Annual Parliaments. If in every year the King had not issued writs for the elections before the first Tuesday in Lent, the returns were to be made without the usual intervention of the Crown. In future no Parliament was to be dissolved within forty days after the commencement of the session, unless the consent of both Houses could be obtained. Dec. 30. Charles's concession Though Charles knew well how favourable was the presence of the Scottish army in the North to the pretensions of Parliament, it was only with considerable reluctance that he agreed to a reasonable compromise on the point to the Scots. of the incendiaries. The Scots themselves suggested a way out of the difficulty. Let the King at least engage not to employ about his person any man who had been sentenced by Parliament. To this Charles, though after some hesitation, at last assented.1 Dec. 29. The Commons had allowed themselves no more than four days' vacation at Christmas. When they met again they took up the question of the King's revenue. So loose had The King's been the system which had prevailed in the exchequer that no balance-sheet later than that of 1635 was to be found, and the Commons had to wait till the proper information could be obtained. revenue. Dec. 30. Cromwell and the Before that time arrived the relations between Charles and his Parliament had become such as to render it unadvisable to place him in possession of sufficient revenue to cover his expenses. On December 30 the Annual Parliament Bill was read a second time, at Cromwell's motion. During the past weeks Cromwell had been steadily rising in the estimation of the House. His cousinship with Hampden had doubtless introduced him to the companionship of men of influence, but it is certain that he owed more to himself than to his friends. His strong and Annual Parliament Bill. The reply of the Scottish Commissioners, Dec. 23. The last answer of the English Commissioners, Dec. 30, Adv. Libr. Edin. 33, 4, 6. vehement Puritanism would be sure to secure him the sympathy of many members; but his special strength lay in his prompt appreciation of the practical necessities of the day. Others might be able to look farther into the future, or might have a wider grasp of constitutional principles. No one was so ready as Cromwell in keeping the House in mind of the action which was needed to maintain a hold on the immediate present.1 Dec. 31. Northern Whilst the constitutional struggle was being fought out at Westminster, the Northern army was ready to disband for want of pay. Money had been sent, but it had been sent State of the slowly and irregularly, and there was a disposition in the House of Commons to favour the Scots, whom it trusted, rather than the English, whom it distrusted. The House refused to listen to a proposal that the officers should be entrusted with the power of martial law. An early day was, however fixed for pushing on the Bill of Subsidies. army. 1641. Jan. 4. The Irish At the same time attention was drawn to the army which had been levied under Strafford's authority in Ireland. That army, as Sir Walter Erle reported, numbered about 9,000 men. It was now scattered over Ulster. It was mainly composed of Catholics, and a detachment had 'seized on Londonderry, and said mass in the church.' A message was at once sent to the Lords to ask for a conference on the threatening peril. army. Harrison's loan. Before the conference took place, a discussion arose which it is difficult to report without a smile. Some days before, a Mr. Harrison, one of the farmers of the Customs, and a member of the House, had advanced 50,000/. on the security of the coming subsidies. As a reward for his patriotism he had been knighted by the King. He had also done a good stroke of business by securing the favour of the Commons, as it was almost certain that there would be an unpleasant investigation into the conduct of the farmers in collecting tonnage and poundage without a Parliamentary grant. In addition to his increased chance of immunity, Harrison 'D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 101. This characteristic of Cromwell, which shows itself already, comes out much more strongly in the spring and summer of 1642. |