an executive, besides its absurdity, is in its nature a tyranny. We Te are convinced that it is so by theory, and we know that it is so in fact. Unavoidably factious, it cannot but break up a nation into as many parties as it has members. Always distracted, it must always be feeble.

f

His attachment to a legislature consisting of one body, is indicated in the Rights of Man. "The objection," he says, "against a single house is, that it is always in a condition of committing itself too soon. But it should be remembered, that when there is a constitution which defines the power and establishes the principles within which a legislature shall act, there is already a more effectual check provided, and more powerfully operating, than any other check can be." (0)

That which he considers as most powerfully checking precipitancy of action, has no efficacy. The declaration of rights of the French National Assembly, which was in truth a constitution, had no coercive effect on the convention. This "Single House," always passionate, as every single house must be, never had time for cool deliberation. It conceived in a passion; it executed in a rage. Nor had it any thing to restrain it; for how is it possible for a written constitution to assuage the most furious of the passions? A constitution, in such a government as Paine was in favour of, would be not the least of absurdities. Under the influence of universal suffrage and annual elections, nothing could be attended to in a single bodied legislature, but paltry strifes, victories, proscriptions, and oppression. Party- voters would be gratified, or party - representatives would be dismissed! The tyranny of an absolute monarch must fall infinitely short of the tyranny of such a government.

Formerly, Pennsylvania was at once oppressed and disgraced by a similar anarchy. Of this, Paine (p) was in all

(0) Rights of Man, part 2, works, vol. 2, p. 184, Phil. 1797. (p) "In 1776, and 1777, there had been great disputes in congress and the several states concerning a proper constitution for the several states to adopt for their government. A convention in Pennsylvania had adopted a government in one representative assembly, and Dr. Franklin was president of that convention. The Doctor, when he went to France, in 1776, carried with him the printed copy of that constitution,

probability the author. Mr. Adams has rescued the memory of Franklin from the infamy of the act. But even in Pennsylvania, full of democratic faction and anarchy as that state always is, the single representative assembly, perpetually despotic, became universally odious. Yet the constitution was so constructed as to require a Senate; but the unorganized senate was. if possible more odd than the organized assembly Section 15 of that constitution says: "To the end that laws, before they are enacted, be more maturely considered, and the inconvenience of hasty determinations as much as possible prevented, all bills of a public nature shall be printed for the consideration of the people."

Here the people stood in the place of a Senate ! Bills were to be printed for their information and decision! Bills therefore could not become laws until this cool, sensible, and dignified senate had decided! This senate of all that was eloquent, magnanimous, and wise, could negative, or the appeal to it were a mockery; it could affirm, or it were useless. But it could do neither without mature deliberation! Where-how was it to deliberate? In the senate house? No, but in taverns, Orderly? The whole system and process was disorder. What could be expected in such meetings but a tumult of the passions? Conflicting demagogues assembled the multitude in ale houses harangued them tore the state to pieces in an ardent pursuit of personal aggrandizement-oppressed as they were victorious, and committed injustice as they were powerful. Such was Paine's constitution of Pennsylvania, It did not how

and it was immediately propagated through France, that this was the plan of government of Mr Franklin. In truth it was not Franklin's, but Timothy Matlock, James Cannon, Thomas Young, and Thomas Paine, were the authors of it. Mr. Turgot, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, Mr. Condorcet, and many others, became enamoured with the constitution of Mr. Franklin, and in my opinion the two last owed their final and fatal catastrophe to this blind love." President Adams's Letter to S. Perley, written June 19, 1809; see the American Citizen of September 2, 1809.

The conclusion of Mr. Adams is no doubt correct. Condorcet became an advocate of a single representative assembly. He was gratified.

The convention was established; and it is to the uncontrouled fury and tyranny of the convention that his death is attributable. May not Paine's constitution of Pennsylvania have been the cause of the tyranny of Robespierre?

ever last long. In 1790, it was superseded by the present constitution of that state. But it has left behind it the most deleterious effects. There is yet a party there, powerful in numbers, in favour of going back to it; a party avowedly opposed to the independence of judges, to trial by jury, and to every attribute of legitimate polity, to which we have been accustomed to look, and on which alone we can rely, as efficient guards of life, liberty, and property.

[WE subjoin the following Letter, which appeared in the Evangelical Magazine for June, 1816. It agrees in many respects with Dr. Manley's account of the miserable state of this old man's mind, upon his approaching dissolution, In fact, it speaks in language more powerful to the Infidel than the blast of an Archangel's trumpet, because it comes from the lips of a man, who, during the career of infidelity, had the audacity to bid defiance to the armies of the living God! The wages of Sin is Death !—Mark the perfect and the upright man-the end of that man is Peace!

"

DEATH OF THOMAS PAINE, AUTHOR OF THE AGE OF REASON, &c.

Sir,

"To the Editor.

"I lately saw a letter from America, of which I was permitted to make an abstract, which nothing less than a perfect confidence in the integrity of the writer, and the authenticity of the circumstances related, would induce me to offer for insertion in your Miscellany. The narrator, a young female,

*

resided in the family of a gentleman, a near neighbour of the celebrated Thomas Paine, during his last illness, at Greenwich, near New York; who occasionally visited him, and sent from his own table refreshments more adapted to his comfort than those he usually enjoyed: and of these the narrator, impelled by curiosity, or a better motive, requested to be the bearer to his bed-side, although the air of his chamber could scarcely be endured. The opportunities of conversation which the performance of this humane office afforded, authorized the writer's belief, that the poor sufferer exhibited another proof of Dr. Young's assertion, that Men may live fools; but fools they cannot die.' The letter proceeds to say, that she found him frequently writing; and believed, from what she saw and heard, that when his pains permitted, he was almost always so engaged; or in prayer, in the attitude of which she more than once saw him when he thought himself alone. One day he inquired of her whether she had ever read his 'Age of Reason;' and being answered in the affirmative, desired to know her opinion of that book. She replied, that she was but a child when she read it; and he, probably, would not like to hear what she thought of it. On which he said, if old enough to read, she was capable of forming some opinion; and that from her he expected a candid statement of what that opinion had been, She then acknowledged that she thought it the most dangerous, insinuating book she had ever seen; that the more she read the more she wished to read, and the more she found her mind estranged from all that is good; and that, from a conviction of its evil tendency, she had burnt it, without knowing to whom it belonged. To this Paine replied, that he wished all who had read it had been as wise as she; adding, If ever the Devil had an agent on earth I have been one. At another time when she was in his chamber, and the master of her family was sitting by his bed-side, one of Paine's former companions came in; but, on seeing them with him, hastily retired, drawing the door after him with violence, and saying, Mr, Paine, you have lived like a man; I hope you will die like one.' Upon which Paine, turning to his principal visitor, said, You see, sir, what miserable comforters I have !'-An unhappy female, who had accompanied him from France, lamented her sad fate; observing, For this man I have given up my family and friends, my property, and my reli

gion; judge then of my distress, when he tells me that the principles he has taught me will not bear me out." σε AMICUS."

In addition to the above, we can observe, that the female to whom it alludes, is now in London, and willing to attest the truth of the above statement, to any candid inquirer.-LONDON ED.]