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brity which will convey to posterity all that is odious, blasphemous, and profane. His revolutionary writings have produced effects the most remarkable and violent ;-like a volcano they burst forth, breaking up the foundations upon which the civilized world is established. They have produced the most awful convulsions, in Europe, as well as in America, and even in this country had almost overturned a constitution which is founded upon the noblest principles, and which is yet the admiration of the world. The work which is now presented to the public is the most powerful antidote to all he wrote and to all he did. Its intrinsic excellence must be apparent to every one who has a real desire to prevent anarchy and confusion, disorder and bloodshed.. At the present moment it is peculiarly seasonable, and may awaken the attention of some persons who have not lost all regard to virtue and religion, and yet save. them from being carried away into the vortex of disaffection. Wherever the poison has been circulated, the antidote in this book ought to be administered. The privileges we enjoy in this highly-favoured country are but ill understood by the wild advocates of the abstract principle of Parliamentary Reform. The minds of many well disposed people have been falsely tutored, and strongly prejudiced, against the constitution of England, and all the principles of social order and good government. Many have been excited by the inflammatory speeches and writings of artful demagogues, who have taken advantage of the public distresses of the country, for

their own individual aggrandizement-with patriotism in their mouths, but treason and rebellion in their hearts. Let serious well disposed minds reflect, before they join the standard of revolt. The life of Mr Paine is but a sample of what might be collected from the private histories and domestic career of those of similar principles who have become the leaders of the uninformed part of the public. They are almost universally bad domestic characters; and I wish particularly to call the public attention to this remarkable coincidence. It cannot be too often repeated, or too strongly impressed, that men who are notoriously profane, immoral, and tyrannical at home, are notoriously unfit to re-model the government of the State. Let plain and honest men candidly review the life of Mr. Paine'; let them read and think over what an enlightened citizen of America says upon the laws and constitution and parliament of Great Britain; let them not be led astray by men whose domestic conduct is base, awfully depraved, and desperately wicked: let let them not forget that these men, like Paine, are avowed infidels, low and grovelling, without any moral principle to restrain, without any religious feelings or sentiments to direct them. The bible is the key-stone upon which the superstructure of the British Constitution rests, and the foundation upon which the whole of its civil polity has been raised. To remove this key-stone is the chief object of these artful reformers-for could this be once removed, the whole would fall into irremediable ruin. Let my

countrymen, therefore, draw the contrast between the domestic conduct and private benevolence of those who now fill exalted stations in this country, and the principal leaders of the revolutionary faction, and they will be convinced that My Lord Liverpool is better qualified for his office than Mr. Cobbett that Mr. Vansittart is a more able financier than Mr. Hunt; that my Lord Melville is much better at the head of the Admiralty than Major Cartwright; and that Mr. Canning is an abler friend to reform than Messrs. Preston and Hooper.

LONDON EDitor.

February 25, 1817.

"England, with all thy faults I love thee still!"

ΤΟ

GEORGE CLINTON,

VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WITHOUT asking your permission, allow me to dedicate to you, as a tribute of my admiration of your private and public virtues, the following Life of the Author of Common Sense. I know not, indeed, that a work, which necessarily treats in some respect of revolutions, could more properly be dedicated than to one who in the struggles of the colonies for independence, animated his countrymen by his patriotism, encouraged them by his firmness, and supported them with his sword. "Had it," said Mr. Burke, adverting with pious resignation to the death of his son; "had it pleased God to continue to me the hopes of succession, I should have been a sort of founder of a family." You, sir, have been more favoured by Providence. You have not only the great felicity of being the founder of a family, every branch of which I hope, but dare not believe, will emulate your virtues, but you have also the glory of being enrolled amongst the most conspicuous founders of a great empire.

In whatever light we contemplate your character, it is worthy of all imitation. When, at the commencement of the war of independence, irresolution, like a pestilence, shook the nerves of the state; when, awed by hostile appearances, by the power of a formidable enemy, by the absence of preparation for defence, and the want of adequate resources, not a few of your contemporaries shrunk from the responsibility, the suffrages of your fellow citizens called you to the chair of the state, and, evincing an intrepidity which the exigencies of the times required, you obeyed their voice. Your country beheld you with enthusiasm and joy, in the triple character of an unyielding patriot, an enlightened governor, a gallant general. At that period, pregnant with consequences to posterity the most baneful or the most happy, no caucuses* were held to cheat you out of the affections of the people. Those who applauded your heroic defence of Forts Montgomery and Clinton, against a greatly superior force, although they envied you the glory, were far from courting the danger of the command. The steadiness of your course, the prudence of your measures, the bravery of your conduct, the sagacity of your councils, civil and military, attracted the notice of Washington, your illustrious companion in arms, and pointed you out in the event of his death, as commander in chief of the American army. Never were the civil and military functions, mingled by necessity, more mildly, more faithfully, or more ably executed.

The peace, which gave you a nation, and crowned you with immortality, did not efface from the minds of your fellow citizens, the just impressions which

* A cant term, used amongst us to designate a political cabal; an assemblage of intriguers, privately convened to plot their own elevation upon the ruin, not unfrequently, of better men.