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natural to conclude, that those noted subjects of intemperance and vice, who live only to curse society with an immoral and pestiferous influence, and to add to human misery, are not the friends of this government? When these characters combine, can it be for any good purpose? When we see them prosecuting any purpose, whether political or otherwise, with a loud and clamorous zeal, may we not justly suspect that there is some evil lurking in their designs? When we see an individual invoking the aid of this class of the community, and deriving his support from them, verily we have reason to distrust the purity of his intentions. If this reasoning fails, it must inevitably follow, that our government, instead of depending upon the virtue and intelligence of the people for its support, can only be safe under the universal reign of ignorance and vice. And then it must also follow, that it is a vicious government; for there is no agreement between virtue and vice, nor can one be supported by the other. But it was barely a hint I intended. The point cannot be pursued further at pre

sent.

I cannot omit noticing in the beginning, the dangerous tendency of a most subtle artifice (I might say conspiracy), much employed of late by the enemies of the constitution. We are often told, that public opinion is the law of the land, and that to this we are bound to yield. By this cunning device, attempts are often made to destroy rights expressly guarantied by the constitution, even by the expression of public opinion in a single town, county, or state, in the primary assemblies of the people. We will suppose that those who originated this conspiracy, only contend that the expression of the opinions of a majority of the nation is to have the force of authority, and that we must conform to it. This is placing their doctrines in a more favourable light than the facts will warrant, and if in this light they prove to be false and subversive of true liberty, it will be unnecessary to exhibit their more odious features.

The danger of committing the management of the affairs of state to the capricious impulse of primary assemblies, was not overlooked in the establishment of our government. Public opinion, it is true, legitimately expressed by legislative enactments, is binding. The constitution and law are the voice of the people, and are supremely obligatory upon all. We can recognise no other voice than this. But our enemies would deceive us by changing the names of things. What the constitution and laws forbid them to touch, they would take away by that which they call public opinion. What! shall the people tear from us, with one hand, that which they have freely given us with the other? What matters it whether we are bound with chains of iron or steel? If we are to be slaves, what matters it by what means we are deprived of liberty? Will the yoke of tyranny be more tolerable to bear when it is fastened to our necks by public opinion? If our rights are to depend upon the fluctuating opinions of the inhabitants of the ville, county, or state where we reside, then in

deed is our constitution but a shadow, and the whole machinery of our government a mere farce. Those who thus deceive us, however they may vary their positions, and however plausible their pretences, have but one end in view at last; they would subvert our constitution, and accustom us to bear the yoke of tyranny under a false name. The present is a time which demands the utmost watchfulness of the friends of our country. The designs upon its liberties are of the most formidable and alarming character. But the people are asleep. A gentle voice seems to call to them, Awake, watch; you are surrounded by enemies in disguise; but yet they seem not to heed it. Shortly they may be saluted with this same friendly voice, saying, "Sleep on now and take your rest," your liberties are betrayed into the hands of your enemies.

New-York, December 25, 1835.

DEFENSOR.

CONTENTS.

Practice of the court of his honour, Judge Lynch-Law-break-

ing reduced to a system-How to detect the chief movers of

riots,

History of the Anti-Slavery Convention-Preliminary sugges-
tions-Expressions of public sen iments against the abolitionists in
various parts of the United States. The abolitionists are so "fool-
hardy" as to think for themselves—It is determined by certain po-
litical aspirants, for the success of their cause, to put the abolitionists
down at all hazards, "forcibly if necessary"-A State Convention
is appointed to be held at Utica-The citizens hold a meeting at the
City Hall, to show their aversion to the assemblage of said Conven-
tion in Utica-Discovery of the "prudential restrictions"-Speech

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of the Hon. Samuel Beardsley-The enforcement of the "pruden-
tial restrictions” becomes a party measure—The Common Council
grant to the Anti Slavery Convention the privilege of holding their
meeting in the court-room-A great effort is made to inflame the
public mind against this act of the council-An indignation meeting
is assembled at the court-room-Great display of patriotism among
the drunkards-The Mayor and City Attorney attend the meeting
"Satan cometh also"-The act of the Common Council is nulli-
fied-The agitators determine to go revolution"-Language and
conduct of A. G. Dauby and Hon. Samuel Beardsley-The friends
of order are clamoured down-The agitators determine upon forci-
ble resistance, and adjourn to meet at the same place on the 21st
Oct. at 9 o'clock-These subjects become the topic of general con-
versation-A conservative meeting is assembled at the court-room,
on Tuesday evening, Oct. 20th, for the purpose of discountenancing
violence-The agitators, with their forces, gathered together from
various parts of the country, appeared at the meeting-The meet-
ing is organized and resolutions are reported-The agitators raise a
tumult, and interrupt the proceedings-Meeting of the agitators on
the 21st-Assemblage, organization, and proceedings of the Conven-
tion-The agitators determine to accomplish their design by means
of a pack of twenty-five-Their appointment, duties, and descrip-
tion-They run about the streets hunting for the Convention-Ar-
rive at the National Hotel-Timor appears at the door and cries
Stuboy, but declines leading the pack from "feelings of delicacy"—
The pack find their way to the place where the Convention are as、
sembled, and are joined by several hundreds more ravenous than
themselves-The whole canine squadron enters with great fierceness
into the church-The old sportsman cries Get out, until we secure
the game-Speech of Hon. Samuel Beardsley before the mob in the
church-Reply to his speech by Thomas Jefferson-Extract from
the Oneida Standard and Democrat-Proceedings of the agitators
during the day and following night; assaulting strangers at the ho-
tels, and peaceable citizens in the street-Destruction of the type in
the office of the Standard and Democrat-An assault is meditated
upon the houses of Messrs. Kellogg and Stewart-It is prevented
-The members of the Convention are assaulted while going to Pe-
terboro'-A view of the conduct of the committee of twenty-five-
The people desire to know "what apology can be made" for their
conduct-The tendency of these proceedings-Character of the
Convention,

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