on the state of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is it that the enemy have left the NewEngland provinces, and made these middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New-England is not infested with tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly or their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what is a tory? Good God! what is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred whigs against a thousand tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. Every tory is a coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may be cruel, never can be brave.

But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, let us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, yet not one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe is as much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard, with muskets on your shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him, unless you support him personally, for 'tis soldiers, and not tories, that he wants.

I once felt all that kind of anger, which a man ought to feel, against the mean principles that are held by the tories: a noted. one, who kept a tavern at Amboy, was standing at his door, with as pretty a child in his hand, about eight or nine years old, as ever I saw, and after speaking his mind as freely as he thought was prudent, finished with this unfatherly expression, "Well! give me peace in my day." Not a man lives on the continent but fully believes that a separation must some time or other finally take place, and a generous parent should have said, “If there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace;" and this single reflection, well applied, is sufficient to awaken every man to duty. Not a place upon earth might be so happy as America. Her situation is remote from all the wrangling world, and she has nothing to do but to trade with them. A man can distinguish himself between temper and

principle, and I am as confident, as I am that God governs the world, that America will never be happy till she gets clear of foreign dominion. Wars, without ceasing, will break out till that period arrives, and the continent must in the end be conqueror; for though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire.

THOMAS JEFFERSON

[The main facts in the life of Thomas Jefferson are too well known to need more than the briefest restatement here. He was born in Virginia in 1743, received his education at William and Mary College, and studied law. He inherited a considerable estate, which was increased by his marriage, and throughout life he took great interest in agriculture and horticulture, and conducted many experiments in both lines of industry. In 1769 be became a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, and from this time until the close of his presidential term he was active in public life. Although a relatively young member of the Congress, he was given a place on the committee to prepare a Declaration of Independence, and was chosen by the committee to draft the document. Among the more important offices that he held were governor of Virginia, member of the Peace Commission, Secretary of State, Vice-President, and from 1801 to 1809 President of the United States. From 1809 until his death in 1826 he lived in retirement on his estate at Monticello.

Jefferson's writings, which in the latest edition fill ten volumes, are largely state papers and letters. The "Notes on Virginia," his most ambitious single work, was written in response to inquiries sent out by the French government in 1781, privately printed by the author in Paris in 1784, and published in London in 1787. Since that time it has been, according to Jefferson's latest editor, "perhaps the most frequently reprinted book ever written in the United States south of Mason and Dixon's line." It illustrates Jefferson's wide interest in all scientific and economic matters, his genius for acquiring and managing details, and his fondness for theorizing. The "Autobiography" and the "Anas," both written late in life, give much information regarding the public affairs with which Jefferson was so long concerned. Many of his letters are interesting, and touch a wide variety of topics.

Jefferson's chief characteristics as a writer can be seen in the Declaration of Independence, which it is to be hoped need not be included in a collection like this volume. He had a faculty of making general statements in sounding phrases, and he could marshal details with telling effect. The opening and closing passages of the Declaration, and the catalogue of grievances, respectively illustrate these methods. In judging the Declaration it must in justice be borne in mind that Jefferson was asked to prepare, not an exposition of his personal views, but a document that would be agreed to by all the colonies, and that would be accepted by the general public as a defence of the colonial action. Whatever the defects of the Declaration as 353

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a political and literary classic, it can hardly be denied that the author succeeded in accomplishing what he set out to do. The mass of his writings, while many of them show one or the other of the qualities already referred to, are likely to be somewhat disappointing to the reader of to-day.

All the selections here given are from the latest and most complete collection of Jefferson's writings, edited by Paul Leicester Ford. The selection from the "Notes on Virginia" follows the text of the first edition, of 1784. The “Inaugural Address" follows the manuscript draft in Jefferson's autograph, which was possibly intended for reference during the delivery of the address, and which abounds in contractions of words, and oddities of paragraphing, - even parts of sentences being written as separate paragraphs. These peculiarities have not been retained in printing the selection.]

THE FRAMING OF THE DECLARATION

[From the "Autobiography"]

1

It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of N. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1. but that this might occasion as little delay as possible a committee was appointed to prepare a declaration of independence. The commee were J. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston & myself. Committees were also appointed at the same time to prepare a plan of confederation for the colonies, and to state the terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee for drawing the declaration of Independence desired me to do it. It was accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the house on Friday the 28th of June when it was read and ordered to lie on the table. On Monday, the 1st of July the house resolved itself into a commee of the whole & resumed the consideration of the original motion made by the delegates of Virginia, which being again debated through the day, was carried in the affirmative by the votes of N. Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, N. Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, N. Carolina, & Georgia. S. Carolina and Pennsylvania voted

[1 On a motion of the Virginia delegates declaring the colonies independent of Great Britain.]

against it. Delaware having but two members present, they were divided. The delegates for New York declared they were for it themselves & were assured their constituents were for it, but that their instructions having been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when reconciliation was still the general object, they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede that object. They therefore thought themselves not justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to withdraw from the question, which was given them. The commee rose & reported their resolution to the house. Mr. Edward Rutledge of S. Carolina then requested the determination might be put off to the next day, as he believed his colleagues, tho' they disapproved of the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity. The ultimate question whether the house would agree to the resolution of the committee was accordingly postponed to the next day, when it was again moved and S. Carolina concurred in voting for it. In the meantime a third member had come post from the Delaware counties and turned the vote of that colony in favour of the resolution. Members of a different sentiment attending that morning from Pennsylvania also, their vote was changed, so that the whole 12 colonies who were authorized to vote at all, gave their voices for it; and within a few days, the convention of N. York approved of it and thus supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing of her delegates from the vote.

Congress proceeded the same day to consider the declaration of Independance which had been reported & lain on the table the Friday preceding, and on Monday referred to a commee of the whole. The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence. The clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it. Our northern brethren also I believe felt a little tender under those censures; for tho' their people have very few slaves themselves yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to