REAGH'S, NORTH CRAY-AMERICAN FLYING SQUIR

RELS AND HUMMING BIRDS-ANECDOTE OF THE PERSIAN AMBASSADOR.

INTERVIEW WITH LORD

CASTLEREAGH ON THE WEST INDIA TRADE AND

OTHER SUBJECTS.

MR. STRATFORD CANNING AP

POINTED MINISTER TO THE UNITED STATES. DINNER AT MR. LYTTLETON'S.

August 26. Last evening the French ambassador celebrated the birth day of his sovereign by an entertainment. The Duke and Dutchess of Kent, Lord Castlereagh and other cabinet ministers, the diplomatic corps, and other company were present.

Again I had opportunities of informally conversing with Lord Castlereagh. Salutations over, I began conversation with him by alluding to the strong rumors I had heard in the diplomatic circle, of Mr. Bagot being about to succeed Lord Cathcart as

ambassador at St. Petersburgh. I then asked, if he would put it in my power to announce to my government, who was likely to take Mr. Bagot's place at Washington?

His lordship replied, that Mr. Bagot's appointment to Russia, although not yet publicly made known, was, he believed, a measure determined upon by the Prince Regent. He had the more pleasure in saying so to me, because he felt that it would be taken as a new proof of the importance attached to the American mission, when faithful services in it became the passport to an ambassador's post at so leading a court in Europe; that as to Mr. Bagot's successor in the British mission at Washington, one had not yet been named; they felt an anxious desire that the choice should fall upon a person endowed with every suitable qualification, and as soon as it was made, he would inform me of it.

This topic ended, "No ratification of our treaty, yet, my lord?" was my next remark. "So it appears," was his reply; "but I hope you are well convinced, that the ratification does not linger through our

means?"

I answered, "certainly, after what your lordship said to me at Carlton House, and Prince Esterhazy's, I feel entirely convinced that it does not; and I have had great pleasure in communicating to the President what fell from you on both occasions."

"I will say more," he continued. "As far as we have given expression to any opinion or wish to Spain, it has been the other way; it has been that the treaty may be ratified."

"This then, I rejoined, "is a communication which I shall make to my government with increased satisfaction."

"Let me deal candidly," he proceeded. "It can little be supposed, were it an open question, that we would not prefer that Spain should own the Floridas, to their falling into your hands. She is weak; you are strong; but the treaty has been made, and we prefer its ratification to the possibility of any serious disturbance to the pacific relations between the United States and Spain. These we are sincerely desirous to see maintained, from the propitious influence it will continue to shed upon the general repose of the world." I said I was sure my government would hear with great satisfaction the expression of such sentiments.

Pursuing the subject he remarked, that whenever it appeared to this government that the United States were really manifesting a spirit of encroachment at which other nations might justifiably take exception, it might perhaps feel itself called upon to utter other opinions; but he did not think the present case open to such views. I again rejoined how happy I was to hear him express himself in this

manner in relation to the Florida treaty, and agreed that principles of moderation were those by which it would be best for all nations to steer.

The United States manifesting a spirit of encroachment! England to think this! England whose empire encircles the globe! But it was not for me to reason with the sentiment as it then fell from Lord Castlereagh. It was neither the occasion nor place. Had England intervened, to frustrate or retard the ratification of our treaty, the United States would have had ground of complaint; but as she was doing the reverse, the moment would have been ill-chosen for commenting upon her own boundless dominion and power. We had no claim of right to the good offices, or even good wishes, of England towards hastening the ratification. Neutrality, was all we had the right to ask. The voluntary interposition of her good wishes, whatever the motive, was to be well received; and I hold it to have been another instance of the wisdom of the foreign Secretary who then so largely swayed her foreign counsels; nor did I allow a day to pass without transmitting what he said on this occasion, to the Secretary of State.

August 29. Mr. Lowndes and Washington Irving, two of our countrymen, dine with us; the former a prominent member of the House of Representatives

from South Carolina, the latter distinguished by his literary talents. The conversation was of the United States and England, Mr. Lowndes having lately arrived. From both, there was a flow of patriotism, mingled with liberal feelings towards England.

September 3. Mr. ******* who is closely connected with some of the cabinet, informs me that a British squadron consisting of two seventy-fours and two frigates, is in active preparation at Plymouth, whence, it is expected to sail very shortly for the south seas, and that Sir Thomas Hardy is to command it. He says that it was destined for this service in consequence of the operations of Lord Cochrane's ships in those seas, and the decree of Bernardo O'Higgins, Supreme Director of Chili, of the 20th of April last, relating to blockade, which has laid the foundation for some of Lord Cochrane's proceedings. ******* said, that the British squadron would be there to watch events, not intending to let Lord Cochrane have sole command in the Pacific.

September 5. Mr. Irving dines with us, to our renewed pleasure. His social benevolence is equal to his talents and good humor. He speaks ill of no one, so that the poet's line "the tongue which, where it could not praise, was mute," might describe him.