Dr. Chauncey's Opinion of the Future State. in which the total omission of the word actually clears the sense in the quotation. "I trembling wak'd and for a season after Could not believe but that I was in hell.” I think he will discover the evident difference between that but which answers to his description and the but which Mr. Tooke derives from be-utan and signifies be-out, nisi. I SIR, S. W. Mansfield, March 11, 1816. BEG leave to propose to your correspondent W. H. to reconsider the ground upon which he has stated it as Dr. Chauncey's sentiment, "that the righteous, in successive ages, will pass through many deaths, or states of oblivion" (M. Rep. for Feb. p. 69). The Doctor's words, in his treatise "On the Salvation of all Men" (London, printed in 1784) are as follows: "Some will be disposed and enabled in this present state, to make such improvements in virtue, the only rational preparative for happiness, as that they shall enter upon the enjoyment of it in the next state. Others, who have proved incurable under the means which have been used with them in this state, instead of being happy in the next, will be awfully miserable; not to continue so finally, but that they may be convinced of their folly and recovered to a virtuous frame of mind. And this, as I suppose, will be the effect of the future torments upon many; the consequence whereof will be their salvation, they being thus fitted for it. And there may be yet other states, before the scheme of God may be perfected, and mankind universally cured of their moral disorders, and in this way qualified for, and finally instated in, eternal happiness," (p. 12.) He considers the death," which is said (Rom. vi. 23,) to be "the wages of sin," as the same with what is called (Rev. ii. 11, xx. 14, xxi. 8.) "the second death" (p. 277). And, having asserted (p. 279)" that the first death is intended to put an end, not to our existence, but only to its present mode, with all its connections and dependencies," he maintains, that, at the resurrection, the souls of wicked men will be again related or 205 munication with the world they shall then be placed in; that they will become fitted for sensations of pain, vastly more various in kind, and greater in degree, than at present, which yet they will be able to endure for a much longer continuance; but that, in time, the torments they must endure, will (again) end in death, that is, in a (second) dissolution of the union between their souls and their bodies; that, in God's time, their souls shall be (again) united to their bodies; and if, by means of the torments of hell, they have been humbled, and so brought into subjection to the government of God, as that they are meet for his mercy in Jesus Christ, the bodies they shall be related to shall, by the Divine wisdom and power, be fitted for that glorious dispensation when God shall be all in all; but, if not, they shall again, in some other form of existence, be put into a state of suffering and discipline, till at length they are, in a wise and rational way, prepared for final and everlasting happiness" (p. 281, 282). On the contrary, he maintains, in regard to "the righteous," that they will pass into that final dispensation (in which God himself will be immediately all in all), not by dying again, but probably in some way analogous to that in which the believers that are alive on the earth at Christ's second coming, shall pass into the resurrection state; upon which account their life and happiness may properly be said never to have an end" (p. 283): in proof of which he refers to those passages which speak of their not being hurt by the second death, of their putting on incorruption and immor tality, and especially to that declaration of Jesus that they can die no more. (Rev. ii. 11, 1 Cor. xv. 53, 54, Luke xx. 36-see p. 287). Without entering into a discussion of Dr. Chauncey's opinions concerning the nature of man, or the operation and effect of death, I presume that these quotations will sufficiently prove that the sentiment ascribed to him (that the righteous will, in successive ages, pass through many deaths) was not his. united to particular systems of matter, A SIR, J. T. Bromley, Jan. 12, 1816. COPY of the foregoing Resolutions of a Meeting* having been Inserted p. 50.-ED. lately sent me by a much valued friend of mine, who took a prominent part in the proceedings of the day, I send the same to you, not doubting but they will be generally acceptable to your readers, as a gratifying proof how warmly "the cause of universal libertý of conscience" has been recently asserted in the sister kingdom, by persons of the tnost opposite sentiments on the doctrines of the Christian religion. After expressing his preferenee for the 5th of those Resolutions as it was first moved, my friend in a letter annexed to them makes the following pertinent observations, which you are at liberty to present to your readers. "I do not," says he, charge the British ministers with directly proinoting persecution in France, but I certainly do conceive they were less susceptible of alarms on this subject than in their zeal against liberty and revolutionary principles. They were anxious to place the old dynasty on the throne of France; thus they risked the more than probable return of the bigotry which characterized many of this feeble race. In the present temper of the times, the governors intoxicated with their triumphs on the restoration of legitimate despotism, and the people meanly crouching to them, I should not be much surprised, if for a season, arbitrary power should again come into fashion, and by the people surrender ing their rights, freedom, both civil and religious, should become Dream of a dream and shadow of a shade.' "I embraced the opportunity of the persecution in France by Catholics to turn the public attention to the persecution at home of our Protestant Church and State mob against Catholics, and even against the liberal among the Protestants. Our domestic persecution is less severe than the late attacks in France, but in the course of twenty-two years many have fallen victims to it, and many Catholie chapels have been burned, as well as innumerable outrages of less magnitude committed. The Orangeinen have also gone as far as the spirit of the times and the circumstances of the country would permit, and our Irish persecution has only differed from the French in being more limited in extent, but not in the spirit which actuated it. In short, I think it would have been hypocritical affectation in us to have cen sured the proceedings in the South of France if we had not impartially reprobated the conduct of our Irish Orangemen, as being alike hostile to the principles of civil and religious liberty." Yesterday's post brought me the Belfast Commercial Chronicle of Saturday, Jan. 6, 1816, from which I send you the following interesting let ters, and remain, sincerely yours, THOMAS FOSTER. Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. The following correspondence on the Meeting held in this town on the 11th ult. subject of the Resolution passed at the has taken place. The Resolution ran thus: Resolved Unanimously-That the thanks of this meeting be returned to DANIEL O'CONNELL, Esq. as being the first in Ire land to call public attention to the Persecu tion of the Protestants in France, at a meeting of the Catholic Association in Dublin; thus evincing, that in the honourable pursuit of Catholic emancipation, and protec he only sought for himself, and his fellowtion from the hostility of Orange Outrages Catholics, that Liberty which he was equally ready to grant to others." Lisburn, 12th Month, 13th, 1815. DEAR FRIEND-I have great satisfaction in communicating to thee the annexed resolution of a meeting held in Belfast on the 11th inst. It is a just tribute to thy ho nourable firmness and zeal in the cause of civil and religious liberty, which, after a close attention, I have always found to be displayed in thy public conduct, as well as thou hast occasionally favoured me. in the private currespondence with which I am, with sincere respect, thine truly, JOHN HANCOCK. DAN. O'CONNELL, Dublin. Merrion Square, 16th Dec. 1815. MY DEAR SIR-The kind manner in which you have transmitted to me the vote "of the friends of civil and religious liberty in Belfast," demands my sincerest thanks, I am truly proud of that vote. It is a rich reward, infinitely beyond the value of my poor exertions in the sacred cause of free dom of conscience. I have ever sought Catholic emancipation on principle, and as a matter of right. That principle, if established, would be equally useful to the Protestant in France and Italy, as to the Catholic in Ireland. It is a principle which would leave conscience free and unshackled in every country, and without which real liberty cannot, in my opinion, exist in any country. As a Catholic I feel myself bound, not but by the glorious example of other Caonly by the genuine precepts of my religion, tholics, to be the first in my humble aphere Proposal for Abolition of Tythes. to disclaim and oppose the persecution of Protestants. The state which first, after the reformation, established freedom of conscience, was a Roman Catholic State-that of Maryland, in North America. The only government in modern days that has granted total and unqualified emancipation to a religion different from its own, is the Roman Catholic Government of Hungary; in which the Protestants were in our own times fully emancipated by their Roman Catholic countrymen. Let us hope that the day is not distant, when those noble ex.mples of justice and pure religion will be not only admired but imitated by Christians of all denominations. Let us hope that man shall at length be allowed to worship his Creator according to the dictates of his conscience, without the impious interference of penal laws; and that bigotry and persecution may be banished from amongst nations boasting of Christianity and civilization. I I have the honour to be, With sincere respect, Southampton, 13th March, 1816. SIR, COULD wish to draw the attention of readers to the great your question of a religious establishmentis it wise, just, necessary or politic? The Dissenters from the Establishment 'are now become so numerous and re spectable as to challenge and deserve the serious attention of the legislature -let them then unite on the broad ground of dissent, and present a re 207 to their proper rank and station in the community. The abolition of tythes would be also a national advantage, especially in the present distressed state of agriculture, whose necessities imperiously demand their remission. Who are the persons that would consider themselves aggrieved? Those who are not entitled to any favour or consideration from the public,-the indolent and luxurious clergy, the •fruges consumere nati." I compare this class to a large and increasing wen attached to the body politic, which is drawing off its nourishment, and will prevent its restoration to health until it be removed. The money drawn annually from the industrious part of the community under the head of tythes is enormous, and the shameful manner in which it is distributed renders the burthen more grievous and intolerable. With civil sinecures let us then get rid of spiritual ones, and it would strengthen us to raise the supplies for the year, and save us from the alarming apprehensions and dreadful consequences which our present distressed and oppressed state cannot fail to excite in the breast of every thinking COPY the subjoined from Niles's Baltimore, America, Vol. II. p. 33, Weekly Register, published in spectful petition to the House of Com-thinking it not unsuitable to your mons, that they may be no longer subject to the payment of tythes. To be obliged to support a church whose doctrines we reprobate, as contrary to reason and scripture; and to be punished and disgraced for our dissent, by being excluded from the discharge of civil offices, is no longer to be borne. work. A. B. Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 10, 1812. Report of the Committee of Religion. The Committee of Religion to whom was referred the petitions of sundry persons respecting the people called SHAKERS, have, according to order, had the subjects of the same under consideration, and beg leave to Let every congregation then be re-reportquired only to support its own minister, as is the case in America, and elsewhere - particularly in Prussia; and let not one sect be obliged to support another, by a tax levied upon the community at large. The beneficial effects of such an arrangement, in whatever light we view them, are greater than many persons are aware of. One in particular would be, the abolition of religious distinctions, and the restoration of Dissenters Without regard to religious persuasions, sects or faith, of any particular denomination whatever, your committee recommend to the consideration and adoption of the house, the following Resolutions: 1st. Resolved-That an open renunciation of the marriage vow and contract and total abstinence from sexual and connubial intercourse, agreeably to the intentions and objects of matrimony, ought to be provided against by law. 2nd. Resolved-That provision ought to be made by law, for the competent support of the wife out of the husband's estate, when abandoned by him under such circumstances. 3rd. Resolved-That provision ought to be made by law, for the competent support of children out of their father's estate, where they shall be by such father aban doned under like circumstances. 4th. Resolved-That guardians ought to be appointed to the children of husbands so abandoning their wives, who should have the care of the persons and estates of such children. 5th. Resolved-That when a wife is so abandoned she ought by law to be permitted to acquire and hold property as a femme sole, as well as to have reasonable parental control over her children, by the husband so renouncing the marriage contract; and when prayed for, she should have divorce granted, without its benefits being extended to the husband so abandoning her. In adopting the foregoing Resolutions, your Committee are not unmindful that religious tenets are not the subject of legislative or judicial interference. They entertain too high respect for their country, this legislative body, and themselves to recommend any measure contravening those golden provisions of our constitutions, which declare-"That all men have a natural and indefeasible right to wor ship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences; that no human authority ought in any case whatever, to control or interfere with the right of conscience." Your Committee can but regret, that in all ages and countries, individuals have been found too ready to condemn all other sects and persuasions, save that adopted by themselves, should they have adopted any. These unfortunate individuals, wanting the benign influence of Christianity become odious themselves, by that interference which prompts their exertions to bring odium on others. It is the good fortune of the real Christian, that in our enlightened day, this intolerance recoils back on the intolerant ; and thus, while working their own destruction, they make the rays of Christianity shine but the brighter. With these sentiments your Committee leave the Shakers, and all other sects, to pursue, uninterrupted, the dictates of their own consciences-leaving their religious creed to the approbation or disapprobation of themselves and their God. Mr. Worsley on the Marriage Cere SIR, mony. Plymouth, Feb. 16, 1816. IAM so perfectly aware of your wish to promote the investigation of all subjects which are interesting to Dis senters in general, that I scarcely conceive an apology to be necessary for requesting permission to call their attention through the medium of your pages, to a subject which has remained long enough, secretly wounding our peace, to a rite which has scandalized our profession, or is calculated to rob us of some of our most delicate enjoyments. I refer to the subject and to the rite of marriage, as this rite must of necessity be submitted to by the English Dissenters, if they have not made the bold resolution of not submitting to it at all. It happens to have fallen to my lot to fill the office of Secretary to the Devon and Cornwall Unitarian Association, which was established last midsummer twelvemonths. At our last July meeting, which took place at Tavistock, this was one of the subjects which engaged our attention, and it was rendered the more interesting from the circumstance of our having in company a more than usual proportion of those gentlemen who are known by the name of Old Bachelors. It did not appear whether these gentlemen had been influenced by Unitarian scruples, or by scruples of any other character, in determining thus to abandon the first duty of an active citizen; but, Sir, we did not quit the room in which this interesting subject was discussed till I had received a charge in the character of Secretary, to correspond with the Associations which meet in other parts of England, and endeavour to unite them all in resolute exertions to seek for relief on this point. It has occurred to me, however, that the better way of bringing this subject before the public, is by means of the Repository. Allow me then to offer some thoughts upon this very interesting subject, in the hope that they will call forth other and more interesting and useful ones, and that they will, ere long, bring about our wished-for end. It is interesting in the highest degree to all classes of Dissenters, who cannot but wish to be released from the necessity of taking their brides to the established church; but to Unitarian Dissenters it is most of all important, and seems upon the ground of absolute duty to demand their serious consideration and their firm purpose. This is a subject, Sir, which naturally unites the serious with the gay; and it may be considered on the broad Mr. Worsley on the Marriage Ceremony. basis of general expediency and justice, or upon the more limited ground of private feeling. We are not permitted to enjoy the privileges of wedded life unless we will go to the priest of a certain religion, which may be the religion we approve or not, as the matter happens to fall out and without uttering certain words he dictates to us, which may or may not contain sentiments which we conceive to be indecent, absurd, nonsensical or idolatrous. Here then our rights as subjects of a free government, in which the people bear a respectable and powerful part, are certainly broken in upon. We expect indeed to give up some of our natural rights and privileges in order to enjoy those of social life; but there is no occasion for us to abandon any in the enjoyments by which we cannot injure the society in which we live; nor have we any occasion to submit to forms and ceremonies which to us appear absurd and mischievous. We shall not object to other men's being as absurd and as foolish as they please to be; but they have no claim upon us to justify their folly by following their example ourselves. In the earlie periods of society the ceremony of marriage, though ever equally important, assumed a very different character to that which it now bears in our country. It was regarded as nothing more than a social engagement entered into by a man and a woman, to increase the virtuous pleasures of life, and to convey down to other creatures the privileges of human beings. It was then performed, as it generally still is in most parts of the world, by a man going to the house of the woman's parents, and there in the presence of the family and other friends taking her to wife; or by taking her from the house of her father to his own house, where he called in his friends and neighbours to bear witness that he had taken her for his wife. Christian priests appear to have been more skilful in cutting out work for themselves which would be profitable to their fraternity, than even the priests of the ancient Pagan systems or those of Jewish renown, celebrated as they were for gulling the people by an abundance of rites and ceremonies, and fattening upon their spoils. The ceremony of marriage was first converted into a religious rite and made one of the seven sacraments of the Church of Rome by Pope Innocent the third: and the Church of England, which in so many things adopted the plans of that Church, did not think it expedient to give up so profitable a concern, as that of being instrumental in administering to a man's pleasures, at a moment when he is usually most of of all moved to be liberal to his benefactors. But the Church of England did not at first take to itself the exclusive power of performing the ceremony of marriage. For when the principles of the reformation had spread in this country and different classes of Protestants sprang up, they all performed this rite for themselves; the Dissenters marrying in their respective places of worship. This general practice prevailed in this country till the year 1753. in the reign of George II., when the celebrated Marriage Act was passed; the object of which too plainly is to turn the attention from the pure act of marriage, to the ceremony which the priest performs, and which gives occasion to much deceit and wickedness. By the English law, marriage is regarded as of divine institution. Now if the reader would know what is the ceremony of marriage as it has been ordained of God, and was recognised by the Levitical law, let him look into the 22d Chapter of Exodus, ver. 16, 17, and into Deut. xxii. 28, wherein the case is clearly and fully described; and then let him examine the laws of England, and refer to the various decisions of our Ecclesiastical Courts, he will find they are of a contrary character, and militate directly against the clear object of that law. The marriage act declares, that, "if a person shall solemnize marriage, except it be in Scotland, or except he be a Jew, or a Quaker, in any other place than in a Church or public Chapel after the publication of bans as therein directed, or by special licence from the archbishop's court, such marriage shall be null and void;" hereby completely taking away from all other Dissenters the privilege they had previously enjoyed, and giving all the power and benefits of the marriage ceremony to the Clergy of the Church of England. But exceptions are made in favour of the Jews and the Quakers. It may |